• 심성연구
• /
• 제37권2호
• /
• pp.184-254
• /
• 2022

본 논문을 통해 한국 민담 '주인집을 망하게 한 하인'의 심리학적 의미를 고찰하였다. 민담 속 주인과 하인의 대립은 보편적인 인간 정신의 문제로, 경화된 기존의 집단적 의식과 이를 보상하고 갱신하려는 새로운 의식의 대립으로 볼 수 있다. 다른 각도에서 설명해보자면 인간의 정신적인 측면과 본능적인 측면 사이의 혹은 의식과 무의식 사이의 대립이며, 자아와 그림자 사이의 대립이라고도 할 수 있다. 민담 속 주인은 애먹이는 막내 하인을 없애버리려 여러 차례 시도하지만, 하인은 꾀와 속임수를 써서 주인으로부터 음식과 말(馬), 막내 누이, 전 재산, 마침내 목숨까지 빼앗아 버리고, 이야기는 막내 하인과 막내 누이의 혼인 생활로 끝을 맺는다. 주인이 죽고 하인이 새로운 주인이 되는 대극반전(enantiodromia)은 낡은 집단적 의식이 파괴되고 집단적 무의식으로부터 올라온 새로운 의식이 지배적 위치에 서게 되는 것으로, 개인의 심리적 상황에서는 기존의 자아의 태도가 해소되고 새로운 태도로 변환되는 것으로 이해해볼 수 있다. 이야기의 중간 과정에서 하인은 그를 죽이려고 주인이 써준 등편지를 순박한 사람들을 이용해 새롭게 바꿔 써서 막내 누이와 혼인한다. 이 모습은 집단적 의식의 도덕관념에서는 부정적으로 이해될 수 있으나, 아낙네, 꿀장수, 배고픈 중으로 상징되는 조선 시대 집단적 의식에서 무시되어오던 정신요소를 통합하는 과정으로 볼 수 있다. 하인으로 대변되는 새로운 의식성은 기존의 틀에 구속받지 않는 트릭스터적 특성을 갖기에 집단적 의식에서 무시되어온 정신적 내용을 통합하여 조선 후기 집단적 의식에 대한 보상과 대안으로서 제시하는 요소라고 할 수 있다. 주인은 다시 하인을 죽이려고 하인을 가죽 부대에 넣어 나무에 매다는데, 가죽 부대 속에 들어가 매달렸더니 눈을 떴다는 하인의 속임수에 넘어간 소경이 대신 매달려 죽고 하인은 달아나게 된다. 주인과 하인의 대극 문제가 마침내 나무로 상징되는 전체 정신(Self)에 맡겨지자 소경이 제거되는 것은 트릭스터에 포함되어있는 맹목성, 어리석음, 탐욕적 요소를 구분하고 정화하려는 자기(Self)의 의도로 이해해볼 수 있다. 이런 과정들을 거쳐 집단적 의식의 새로운 변화 혹은 새로운 자아의 태도를 상징하는 하인은 기존의 문제들을 해결하고 주인의 자리에 서게 된다. 그러나 꾀 많은 하인의 활약상을 들으며 청중들은 유쾌함과 해방감을 느끼는 한편, 소경이 대신 죽고 주인집 식구가 몰살되고 하인이 주인이 되는 부분에서는 하인의 위험성과 통제 불가능에 대한 우려와 두려움의 감정을 경험하기도 한다. 해외 유화들에 등장하는 트릭스터들 역시 철저히 이기적이고 오직 욕구를 채우고 위험에서 빠져나가기 위해 무고한 존재들을 속이거나 죽게 만드는데, 이들 트릭스터를 처단하거나 교화하려는 노력은 허사로 돌아가고 그들은 달아나버린다. 그러므로 본 민담 역시 이런 원형적 그림자가 매우 위험하다는 것, 그리고 의식이 통제하거나 의식에 동화될 수 없다는 것을 알게 해주고, 그것을 외경하고 관조하도록 하는 목적 의미도 있다고 볼 수 있다. 트릭스터는 기존의 구조와 질서가 경화되었을 때 보상작용으로서 무의식으로부터 올라오는 재생시키는(revivifying) 자연 에너지의 비합리적 발현 양상이다. 그 현상은 기존의 집단적 정신의 입장에서는 파괴적이고 비도덕적일 수 있으나, 도덕적으로 규정할 수 없는 보다 근원적 정신인 집단적 무의식의 기능이라고 보아야 한다. 트릭스터 원형상으로 볼 수 있는 하인은 변환을 가져오는 존재로 파괴성과 창조성이라는 양면성과 모순성을 지니고 있다. 본 민담의 유화들의 결말은 여러 갈래인데 이는 트릭스터의 양면성으로 인해 청중의 마음 반응이 그만큼 다양하다는 것을 반영하며, 트릭스터 문제에 대한 무의식의 다양한 반응을 제시하는 것이기도 하다. 또한 트릭스터란 그만큼 결론이 안 나고 논란을 일으키는 모순덩어리 존재로 의식적 합리적 태도로 통제할 수 없다는 것, 우리 안의 트릭스터 원형에 대해 진지하게 관조할 수 있을 뿐이라는 것을 보여준다.

• 동양고전연구
• /
• 제70호
• /
• pp.495-524
• /
• 2018

본고는 장지연(張志淵)의 문학론과 역사 인물 전기 편찬 의식을 탐색하고, 이를 바탕으로 편찬된 "일사유사(逸士遺事)"의 인물 수록 양상과 특성을 살펴보았다. "일사유사"의 특성을 파악하기 위해서, 본고에서는 장지연이 지니고 있었던 서사문학에 대한 인식을 우선적으로 규명하고자 하였다. 장지연은 이른 시기부터 역사 인물 전기에 관심을 가지고 있었다. 하지만 종래 전래되던 고소설 즉 소설 전기에 대해서는 세상 사람들에게 큰 인기를 누리고 있었음에도 불구하고 그 폐해를 들어 부정적인 입장을 분명히 드러내었다. 그가 생각한 좋은 독서물이란 개인의 일과 공부, 심성에는 물론 풍속에도 보탬이 될 만한 것이었던 바, 이러한 장지연의 생각을 집약하여 실재했던 역사 인물 전기의 형식을 취하여 독자들의 현실 생활에 도움을 줄 수 있는 효용의 일환으로 "일사유사"의 편찬을 기획한 것으로 생각된다. "일사유사"를 편찬한 직접적인 동기와 문제의식은 장지연이 남긴 서발문을 통해 확인할 수 있다. 장지연은 조선의 인재 등용 정책의 결과가 망국(亡國)으로 이어지는 계기가 되었음을 지적하며, "일사유사"의 편찬 과정에서 한미한 가문 출신의 선비, 중인 이하의 인물, 함경도 평안도 등의 지방 인사 등에 주목하였다. 이와 더불어 과거의 유산을 후인(後人)들이 살펴볼 수 있도록 해야 한다는 일종의 사명감 같은 것이 "일사유사"의 편찬으로 발현되었다. 이를 통해 장지연은 "일사유사"의 독자들에게 각자의 뜻을 고상하게 하고 본원을 지키면서 살아가는 방편이 무엇인가 하는 좋은 본보기를 제공해 주려고 하였다. "일사유사"의 인물 수록 양상과 특성은 다음의 몇 가지로 정리할 수 있다. 첫째, 이전 시기부터 간행된 여러 역사 인물 전기를 수렴하면서 실재한 여러 유형의 일사들을 총망라하고 있다. 둘째, 중인 평민층 인물에 대한 각별한 관심을 가지고 새로운 인물 유형까지 포괄하였다. 셋째, 여성 인물을 집대성하고 새로운 여성 형상을 그려내고 있다. 넷째, 지역적으로 평안도 함경도 지역을 위시하여 전국 각 지역의 일사들을 두루 포괄하고 있다. 이상 논의를 종합할 때 "일사유사"는 19세기에 이룩된 역사 인물 전기의 제 성과를 발전적으로 계승한 이 방면 유서(類書)의 결정판이라 평가할 수 있다.

• 동양고전연구
• /
• 제70호
• /
• pp.467-493
• /
• 2018

이 연구는 '우렁각시 설화'에 나타나는 '결연형'의 증가 양상과 세속화 양상을 분석하였다. "한국구비문학대계"(1979-1985)와 그 후속 작업인 '한국구비문학대계 개정 증보 사업'(2008-2018)에서 채록된 '우렁각시 설화' 71편의 유형을 분석하고, 결연형을 중심으로 세속화 양상을 관찰하였다. '우렁각시 설화'에 관한 자료를, "대계"를 기준으로 1910-70년대 자료와 1980년대 이후의 자료로 나누었다. 80년대 이후 "대계"와 '개정 증보 사업'의 자료에서는 결연형(단순형, 복합형)이 증가하는 추세를 보이고 있다. 결연형은 "대계"와 '개정 증보 사업'에서 채록한 '우렁각시 설화'의 60%를 차지하고 있으며, 이별형(34%)의 2배에 가까운 수치를 보여준다. 우렁각시 설화의 결연형에서는 '금기 화소'가 사라지고, 금기 화소가 제시되더라도 금기 파기형보다는 금기 순응형이 더 많이 나타났다. 이는 파기됨으로써 신성혼의 의미를 강조하는 '금기'의 기능이 약해졌음을 의미하는 것이다. 오히려 '금기'에 순응함으로써 남녀 결연을 이루고자 하는 인식이 나타난다. 우렁각시의 탈신성화에 따라 우렁각시와 총각의 결연은 평범한 남녀의 결연으로 인식되는 경향이 있다. 금기 화소가 제시되지 않는 결연형의 증가와 남녀 결연을 중심으로 서사가 전개되는 '지하국 대적 퇴치형'의 등장 양상은 우렁각시 설화의 세속화 양상과 연계되는 것으로 볼 수 있다. 현실 중심의 세계관이 반영됨에 따라 신성시 되는 존재에 대한 관심과 인식이 사라지고, 현실 세계에서의 남녀의 결연을 통해 행복한 결말을 추구하는 의식이 엿보인다. 이 논문은 2010년대 '개정 증보 사업'에서 채록된 '우렁각시 설화' 37편을 연구대상에 포함시켰다는 의의가 있다. '개정 증보 사업'에서는 남녀 결연담으로서 성격이 짙은 '지하국 대적 퇴치형'도 새로이 관찰된다.

• 복식
• /
• 제1권
• /
• pp.119-129
• /
• 1977

It is significant for developing the future for us to know our present age. In order to preserve our Korean costume as a fola clothes retaining our distinguished independent characterisitics and to help design the tomorrow of our Korean costume playing a role as a racial to develop the world clothing culture, a survey was conducted to investigate modern people's conscious-ness and wearing practumes of Korean costume by questionaire and interviewing methods. The results of the survey were analyzed as follows: (1) At present, Korean costumes were purchased as customtailored(64.0%) and as ready-made(17.8%) and most of them were not made at individual homes. The laundry and ironing of them were carried out at laundry shops(68.8%). Considering our present economic, social and cultural aspects, sowing, laundryand ironing will not be carried out at homes again in the future and ready made costumes seen to be produced in a large scale in the future. Garment makers and laundry shop operators should be trained how to make our Korean costumes retain our traditional beauty in the course of their production and laundry and the makers of ready-made costumes must make research how to efficiently produce ideal ready-made costumes by adopting the synchro system in their wrk odisivion. (2) The age group wearing Korean costumes most frequently was the aged people over 60 (their wearing rate; 45%-50%) and the group wearing them most frequently next io the aged people over 60, was housewives(their wearing rate; 15%-20%). Excludign aged people and housewives, other respondentsdid not wear Korean costumes very frequently. Men's wearing rate was lower their wearing rate was the younger their ages were and the less their monthly incomes were. Korean costumes were used for holiday and festival(60%), wedding and funeral ceremonies (52%), visiting and working(22%), casual wear(12.8%) and home wear(9.2%). The use of Korean costumes as casual and home wears, was lower than the use for holday, festival, visiting and working, Under our present circumstances in which our Korean people use both Western style clothes and Korean costumer, our Korean costume has lostits position as a basic and necessary requiement in Korean people's daily life and become a ceremonical and fancy costume. It is natural that the times and life change everything in our daily life. Our costume has to be made as good ceremonial and fancy clothes satisfying modern sensibility according to its new role. In order for us to get close with our clothes, a keen study must be carried out to cleat the color, material, style, function and harmony of the Korean costume matching the of the times. (3) The 47.8% of the respondents answered that they were proud of our Korean costume as our folk clothes, 47.6% replied that thought them just common and 1.1% responded that they were ashamed of it. Most of them were affirmative in feeling pride with our Korean costume. (4) Considering the functional aspect of Korean costumes, their strong points were symetric beauty, rhythmical beauty, unity feeling, harmonical beauty and detailed decorations. Their common shortcomings were lack of individuality and inadequateness for active life. The shortcomings of woman costumes were suppressing breast, making resperation difficult and in adequnteness in summer time. The main reason not to wear our Korean costumes, was due to the fact that they are incomvenient for active life. As a measure to eliminate such shortcomings, 1) the suspension system of skirt to remove the suppression of breast should be generally adopted. 2) they should be simplified in their structure to make them convenient for active life and adepuate in wearing them in hot weather in an extent to which the traditional beauty of the costume may not be lostand 3) a new technique must be explored for showing individuality by wearing method and new arrangment of colors and decorations. (5) The reasons desiring to wear Korean costumes were classifide as follows: A. Korean costumes are our traditional clothes(43.4%). B. Korean costumes are noble and beautiful(26.8%). C. They are accustomed to wear Korean costumes by habit(19.5%). D. Korean costumes are necessary for attending ceremoneis(9.5%). E. Miscellaneous reasons(0.8%). Classifying these reasons into age groups, the high age group over 40 wore them because they were easy to wear by habit and the low age group of 10-30 never thought that they were east to wear by habit. Considering that even those who were accustomed to wear Korean costumes showed a low wearing rate and that the young generation were accustomed to wear Western style clothes rather than Korean costumes, the wearing rate of Korean costumes will be reduced in the future if such trend continues. It is urgent for us to make our best efforts in order to enhance the interest of young generation in Korean costumes and not to make them lose the strong points of Korean costume in the future. (6) Conicering the plan of the respondents on what kind of clothes they were going to wear in the future, among the age group over 50, those who wanted to wear only Korean costumes were 24.8%(men) and 35.1%(women), those who wanted to wear 49.7%(men) and 47.4(women), those who wanted to wear chiefly Western style clothes were 20.7% (men) and 14.4%(women) and those who wanted to wear only Western style clothes, were 2.4% (men) and 2.1%(women). This shows that the general tendency to wear only or chiefly Korean costumes is more prevalent than that to wear only Western style. Among the age group under 50, the tendency to wear Western style clothes was conspicuous and most of the respondent answered that they would wear chiefly Western style clothes and Korean costumes occasionally. Only 5.4% of the respondent answered that they would wear only Western style clothes and this shows that meny respondents still wonted to wear Korean costumes. Those who wanted their descendants to wear what they desire, were 50.1%(men) and 68.8% (women) and those who wanted their descendants to wear Koran costumes occasionally, were 85.8%(men) and 86.3%(women). This shows that most of respondents wanted their descendants to wear Korean costumes. In order to realize, it is necessory for us to make ourdescendants recognize the preciousness of our traditional culture and modify our Korean costumes according to their taste so that they may like wearing them.

• 복식문화연구
• /
• 제3권2호
• /
• pp.241-260
• /
• 1995

The Maori's traditional clothing materials, basic forms of dress, and the pattern and technique of tatoo were examined in the present study in order to deepen the appreciation of the cultural heritage of the Maori. The research method employed was the analysis of written materials. And a fild-trip was also made for the study. The study was limitted to the traditional culture of body adornment of the Maori including the clothing which is preserved and practicing by them at the present day, and the origin and the process of the historical development of those are not included in the scope of the present study. Followings are the results of the study: (1) By far the most widely used fiber for Maori clothing is abtained from what is commonly called New Zealand Flax. The fiber of kiekie(Freycinetia baueriana) and cabbage trees(Cordyline spp.) may also be used. The strong, long-lasting fiber of toi(cordyline indivisa) is used for a prestige warrior's cloak. Flat strips of ti kauka(Cordyline australi) are also used as thatch on rain cloaks. (2) Regardless of technique used, Maori weaving is always worked horizontally from left to right. Traditionally the work was suspended between two upright turuturu or weaving sticks. As the work progressed a second pair of uprights was used to keep the work off the ground. These uprights were moved forward as required. Because the weaver sat on the ground, the working edge was kept at a height that was comfortable to reach. No weaving tools are used, the wefts(aho) being manipulated by the fingers. The two main Maori weaving techniques are whatu aho patahi(single-pair twining) and whatu aho rua(double-pair twining). (3) The Maori wore two basic garments - a waist met and a cloak. The cloth of commoners were of plain manufacture, while those of people of rank were superior, sometimes being decorated with feather or dyed tags and decorated borders. Children ran more-or-less naked until puberty, being dressed only for special events. Some working dress consisted of nothing more than belts with leaves thrust under them. Chiefs and commoners usually went barefoot, using rough sandals on journeys over rough country (4) The adornment of men and women of rank was an important matter of tribal concern as it was in chiefly persons that prestige of the group was centred, The durable items of Maori persons adornment were either worn or carried. Ornaments of various kinds were draped about the neck or suspended from pierced earlobes. Combs decorated the head. Personal decorations not only enhanced the appearance of men and women, but many had protective magical function. The most evident personal ornament was the hei-tiki made of jade or other material. Maori weapons were treasured by their owners. They served on bottle and were also personal regalia. A man of rank was not fully dressed without a weapon in hand. Also weapons were essential to effective oratory. (5) No man or woman of rank went without some tattoo adornment except in extremely rare instances when a person was too sacred to have any blood shed. The untattooed were marked as beeing commoners of no social standing. This indelible mark of rank was begun, with appropriate rite and ritual, at puberty. And tattoo marked the person as being of a marriageable age. Maori tattoo was unlike most traditional tattoo in that its main line were 'engraved' on the face with deep cuts made by miniature bone chisels. The fill-in areas were not tattooed with cuts but with the multiple pricks of small bone 'combs' that only lightly penetrated the skin surface. The instrument of tattoo consisted of small pots of pumice or wood into which was placed a wetted black pigment made from burnt kauri gum, burnt vegetable caterpillars or other sooty materials. A bird bone chisel or comb set at right angles on a short wooden handle was dipped into the gigment, that a rod or stick was used to tap head of this miniature adze, causing penetration of the skin surface. Black pigment lodged under the skin took on a bluish tinge. A full made facial tattoo consisted of major spirals with smaller spirals on each side of the nose and sweeping curved lines radiating out from between the brows over the forehead and from the nose to the chin. The major patterns were cut deep, while the secondary koru patterns were lightly pricked into the skin.

• 한국의류학회지
• /
• 제3권1호
• /
• pp.1-11
• /
• 1979

This is a study on angels' costumes in religious paintings, especially as this relates to the questions of concepts and theological symbolism. Angels, as spiritual creatures in Christian thought, play the role of praising God's glory, as messengers of God, the role of guarding Israel and the Church, and protecting or punishing human beings. Sometimes the angels appear in incarnate form. They display no sexual differences and are not able to procreate. The angels' funtional classification being thus; nevertheless, they are pictured in various costumes and appearances according to characteristics of the paintings. The angel Michael appears as a man of dignity when pictured as a guard; the angel Gabriel in the annunciation is often portrayed as a woman of mystical beauty. Under the Renaissance, the mighty cherubim and seraphim at Yahweh's throne are degraded as plump child-angels, or winged child-heads looking alike Eros or Cupid. They have become playful and all too obviously non-heavenly chrubs, accepted features of the Temple decorations. However, cherubim are often depicted as naked or wrapped around with a piece of cloth and accompanied with wind, which symbolizes the Glory of God. The angels, costumes without seam are hung over or wrapped around the body, and when sewn they are simple and ample enough that they fall in a great many folds. However, by the 14C. angels are mostly dressed in costumes common to all Europe, and after that angels gradually appear in folk costumes; for example Italian, Flemish, etc. Dalmatic, the typical costume of Byzantine often shows up as angels' dresses even after the period. Originally the dalmatic was the Roman tunic to which Eastern influences added. The Roman clavus on the tunic had gradually lost distinction until, by the Imperial epoch, it was worn by the lowest servants. It was proudly therefore, as 'The servants of God', that the early Christians are shown wearing the clavus on their wide, ungirdled, sleeved dalmatics. In addition to their costume, angels have some other distinct charateristics. First, angels have a halo around their head; this symbolizes their holiness. Second, angels wear a narrow diadem or a queen's crown that seems to denote their glorious status close to God's throne. Third, the cloth band across the breast resembles a priest's stole, which suggests the sacred role of a priest and symbolizes the grace santified. Fourth, lilies in the annunciations are symbols of Mary's virginity. chastity, innocence and heavenly bliss. Angels hold palms or olives in their hands. The former denote prosperity. beauty and the Christians' reward after death; the latter represent peace and amity. the imperial crown made of olives means victory. Fifth, angels in paintings always have a pair of wings, which can be traced to scripture where cherubim and seraphim are described as having pairs of wings. Angels' wings often have colors of the rainbow, and the rainbow is compared to God's glory. Sixth, generally artists paint angels' costumes as white, blue, green, gold and purple. Other colors such as red rarely appear. According, to scriptures it is believed that angels should be depicted 'as white as snow'. According to the biblical expressions of angels as lightning, sun or a pillar of fire, angels should be described as creatures of light. Nevertheless being a form of art, religious paintings may differ in their presentation according to an artist's inspiration and intention. Since religious paintings illustrated above were almost all done before the Reformation, symbols of colors used in the Catholic Church will also be mentioned. The white color symbolizes chastity, purity, brightness, delight and divinity. Green represents new birth, eternal life, spiritual revival and the expectance of the grace of God. Blue, the color of sapphires, denotes chastity and truth. Red, the color of rubies, represents divinity, love and religious passion. Violet is the color of dignity, indicating the sovereign, royal or imperial power and the great Sacrifice of Christ. As mentionad above, angels' costumes were expressed in accordance with contemporary patterns or as indicated in the Bible, and accesories and colors correspond with Christian symbols. Therefore these facts should be taken into consideration when it comes to the study of costume history.

• Child Health Nursing Research
• /
• 제7권3호
• /
• pp.322-341
• /
• 2001

The family value is expected to play a crucial role in adjusting a new environment for the family, especially in the critical situation as having a child with cancer in the family. The purpose of the study was to analyze the family values of the family with cancer children in order to offer descriptive data, which will facilitate family adjustment with cancer children. The survey was conducted from July 18, 2000 to August 30, 2000 and the analysis included 309 parents of the children who have been diagnosed as cancer, 18 years of age or less, and treated either hospitalized or at the outpatient clinics. Two instruments were used to measure family value. The modified form of General family value scale was 18 items with a 5 points of Likert response format (Cronbach alpha= .78) and Family value scale was developed for the study with 12 items on a 5 points of Likert response format(Cronbach alpha= .73). The data analysis utilized SAS 6.12 for percentage, frequency, Mean, and t-test of demographic characteristics and mean, F score, ANOVA, and Duncan follow-up test of variable relationships. The study findings were as follows. 1) In General family value, the fathers gave the higher scores to 'The children should live with their parents'(M=4.01), and 'A parents and their children are like one body' (M=3.91). The item with lowest score was 'Its not impossible for man to have extramarital relationship'(M=1.92). The mothers thought the most important items were 'A parents and their children are like one body'(M=3.79), and 'A wife needs to be patient to keep harmony of the family' (M=3.56), and the item with lowest score was 'Its not impossible for man to have extramarital relationship'(M=1.44). 2) The mean scores of the mothers were higher than the fathers for all items in family value with cancer children, while fathers gave more points for items in general family value. Both of parents gave the highest score to 'The health of the family is most important to me'(M=4.85 for fathers, M=4.97 for mothers), and followed by 'The husband and wife need to be patient and understand each other to overcome the difficulties'. The item with lowest scores was 'The parents can have conflicts in making decisions since their child was sick'(M=3.34 for fathers, M=3.37 for mothers). 3) There were significant differences between fathers and mothers in items of General family value; fathers gave more points to the items of 'The children should live with their parents', 'Its essential to hold the ceremony to respect their forefathers', 'Its not impossible for man to have extramarital relationship', 'A woman with two daughters should have one more baby to succeed the generation', 'The husbands are responsible for the household economy', and 'When his mother and wife dont get along, the man should be on his mothers side'. However, there was no significant difference between fathers and mothers in items of Family value with cancer children. 4) The general family value was significantly different by the birth order of cancer children, mothers age, mothers education level, and types of payment. On the other hand, the family value with cancer children was significantly different by the age of cancer children, period of illness, period after completing treatment, family type, the number of family members, and the number of total children.

• 대중서사연구
• /
• 제25권1호
• /
• pp.429-462
• /
• 2019

본고는 어구스틴 잘조사(Agustin Zarosa)의 2013년 저작, 『영화와 텔레비전 멜로드라마 재고하기: 사로잡힌 정동, 탄력적 고통, 대리적 대상』(Refiguring Melodrama in Film and Television: Captive Affects, Elastic Sufferings, Vicarious Objects)을 통해, 기존의 멜로드라마의 핵심 개념들로 다루어져 왔던 모드, 정동, 고통(히스테리아), 과잉에 대한 논의들을 계보학적으로 다시 논의하며, 동시대 새로운 화두로 떠오른, 정동이론과 환경, 동물등과 포스트 휴머니즘 담론이 어떻게 멜로드라마 개념에 접목될 수 있는 지 논한다. 1장에서는, 모드를, 선과 악이 한 쌍이 되는 매커니즘 안에서, 사회 전체를 가로지르는 고통의 시각성을 재분배하는 장치로서의 멜로드라마의 개념으로 넓히며, 선과 악의 구별을 증명하기 위한 수단으로써 고통을 드러내는 멜로드라마의 모드에 대한 브룩스의 논의를 반박한다. 2장은 들뢰즈식 형이상학의 관점으로부터 멜로드라마가 의미의 체계라기보다는 '특정화'(sepcification)의 탄력적 시스템임을 논한다. <언덕위의 집>(빈센트 미넬리)의 분석을 통해, 신체들간의 조우를 통해 생성된 정동과 -의미가 아닌-정동이 흐르는 장소로써의 미장센에 주목한다. 3장은 브룩스의 붕괴된 도덕적 질서를 회복시키는 멜로드라마의 역할에 대한 논의에 반대하며, 멜로드라마는 미해결로 남아 있는 (여성) 고통에 대한 인지 혹은 시각화를 위해 존재한다고 강조한다. <세이프>(토드 헤인즈)는 환경으로 인한 여성 고통을 다루면서 기존의 여성 히스테리와 멜로드라마라는 논의에 생태비평주의적 관점을 더한다. 나머지 두 챕터들은 동물과 포스트휴먼 멜로드라마를 논의함으로써, 인간의 명제를 제한하고 확장하는 데 있어서의 멜로드라마의 역할을 연구한다. 희생과 과잉이라는 멜로드라마의 명제가 어떻게 -인간중심적인-인간과 비인간의 경계를 흐리게 하는 지 분석한다. 잘조사는 피터 브룩스의 논의에서 도출된 모드, 정동, 고통의 개념들을 일부분 받아들이면서도, 각각 들뢰즈주의, 페미니즘, 포스트휴머니즘(캐리 울프, 아키라 리핏)의 논의들을 부가하며, 브룩스의 정전화된 멜로드라마의 개념에 도전하고 있다.

• 한국의상디자인학회지
• /
• 제7권3호
• /
• pp.113-127
• /
• 2005

From the ancient times, incense was used for various usages including a means of beauty expression with flavor, a medicine for disease treatment and a device for religious event or ritual. The period of T'ang was the times when cultural and material exchanges with foreign countries were very actively made under the political openness of the Chinese nation. Here the exchanges were made mainly through inland trade, called Silk Road(絲綢之路) and marine trade routes, Incense Road(香料之路). This indicates that incense was one of the main items actively traded at that time. In addition, literatures of the T'ang period show that in the Chinese nation, a wide range of classes from the imperial family to the public used incense for many different purposes. This suggests that the culture of incense was deeply prevailed and very socially significant in T'ang. This study investigated social factors that promoted the incense culture of T'ang and the applications and types of incense widely used in the period of T'ang. First, influential religions and the openness of sex culture were main social factors that made incense culture flourish in the period of T'ang. Above all, two main religions of the Chinese nation, Buddhism and Taoism became secularized under political protection by the imperial family. As Buddhism was popularized, the Buddhist ritual of incense burning made a contribution to making public incense culture. Providing its doctrines of eternal youth and eternal life, Taoism necessarily used incense to form a Taoistic climate. The flourishment of the foresaid religion in T'ang added more fuel to that of incense culture in the Chinese nation. The openness of sex culture brought about the Inauguration of the empress, improvement in female position and free relationships between man and woman. It was accelerated by sexology as a method of eternal youth provided by Taoism. The opened culture also developed the culture of kibang where female entertainers called kinyeo consumed lots of incense for decoration and sexual desire stimulation. These open climates of T'ang society made a great contribution to making incense culture, especially for decoration, prevailed throughout the Chinese nation. Second, types of incense prevailed and widely used in the period of T'ang included olive incense, germander(廣藿香), olibnum(乳香), myrrh Resinoid(沒藥), jia Xiang(甲香), clove(丁香) and Shen xian(沈香), all of which were imported from foreign nations and had various applications. Specifically, olive incense, germander(廣藿香), olibnum(乳香) and myrrh Resinoid(沒藥) were used for religious purposes while, jia Xiang(甲香), clove(丁香) and Shen xian(沈香) for the purposes of religion and decoration. In conclusion, a number of social factors including political, religious and medical purposes and the openness of sex culture set fundamentals on which the culture of incense was extensively developed and established as a social trend in T'ang. In the Chinese nation, incense culture was not just an option for taste, but a part of life style social members needed to know. People of T'ang not only enjoyed incense mainly for purposes of religion, pleasure and make-up, but also had the wisdom to know various effects of incense, curiosity about such new things and the will to imitate and pursue alien culture, resultantly flourishing incense culture. Thus the culture of incense represented many social aspects of T'ang.

• 대중서사연구
• /
• 제26권2호
• /
• pp.9-37
• /
• 2020

이 글은 1990년대 이후의 초국적 '한류' 현상을 한국 문화의 세계적 진흥이라는 메타서사의 창출과 더불어 살펴본다. 한국 대중문화 콘텐츠에 대한 호감은 인근 지역 여성들로부터 자발적으로 시작됐다. 그러나 곧 IMF 금융위기를 계기로 한국 정부가 문화 산업 자체를 '굴뚝없는 공장'으로 주창하기 시작했다. 그러면서 세계무대를 향한 열망으로 한류가 공식화됐고, 지난 20여 년간 한류 1.0, 한류 2.0, 그리고 한류 3.0이 쉼없이 전개됐다. 이제 K-드라마, K-pop 등을 포괄하는 'K-엔터테인먼트'가 주창되고, 한국적인 모든 것으로 K-컬쳐도 내세워지고 있다. 이 글은 이 과정에서 여성들의 행위성은 충분히 논의되지 않았다고 주장한다. 대중문화의 흥기와 그 초국적 진전에서 선도적인 역할을 담당했던 여성 팬과 걸 그룹을 여성주체의 역량 및 여성노동의 맥락에서 살펴볼 필요가 있는 것이다. 이에 우선 구체적으로 한류의 전사(前史)로서 초국적 동아시아를 배경으로 여성 팬이 부상하는 맥락을 톺아본다. 또 K-엔터테인먼트의 전사(戰士)였지만 후경화되고 소략화됐던 걸 그룹과 여성 청년에 대해서 비판적으로 논의했다. 결론적으로 이들 여성 팬과 걸 그룹, 그리고 여성 청년들을 새로운 문화를 창출하는 주체로 적극적으로 고려해야한다는 것이다. 신자유주의 시대, 기존의 민족 혹은 계급 논의를 대체하는 세대 논의에서 여성은 여전히 재생산 영역에 머물러 있다. 최근 '페미니즘 리부트' 이후, 이를 반박하는 『82년생 김지영』 등 여성서사에 대한 관심이 동아시아를 넘고 있다. 이 흐름에서 여성 청년이기도 한 여성 팬과 걸 그룹 당사자들이 페미니즘 지향의 독자로 조우하기도 했다. 애초 한류가 여성들의 의해 가능했듯, 초국적 K-엔터테인먼트 장에서 새로운 여성서사가 생성 중인 것이다. 이 글은 여성 팬, 걸 그룹, 여성 청년이 사회학적 각론에서가 아니라, 젠더화된 메타서사에 대항하는 행위성으로 읽혀져야한다고 했다.