• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.184-254
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• 2022

Through this thesis, the psychological meaning of the Korean folktale 'the servant who ruined the master's house' was examined. The opposition between the master and the servant is a universal matter of the human psychology. It can be seen as a conflict between the hardened existing collective consciousness and the new consciousness to compensate for and renew it. From different angles, it has become the opposition between man's spiritual and instinctive aspects, between the conscious and the unconscious, or between the ego and the shadow. In the folktale, the master tries several times to get rid of the youngest servant, but the servant uses tricks and wits to steal food, a horse, the youngest sister, and all money from the master, and finally, take his life. It ends with the marriage of the youngest sister and the servant. Enantiodromia, in which the master dies, and the servant becomes the new master, can be seen that the old collective consciousness is destroyed, and the new consciousness that has risen from the collective unconscious takes the dominant position. In an individual's psychological situation, it can be seen that the existing attitude of the ego is dissolved and transformed into a new attitude. In the middle of the story, the servant marries the youngest sister by exploiting naive people to rewrite the back letter written by the master to kill him. This aspect can be understood negatively in the moral concept of collective consciousness, but it can also be seen as a process of integrating mental elements that have been ignored in the collective consciousness of the Joseon Dynasty, symbolized by a woman, a honey seller, and a hungry Buddhist monk. The new consciousness, represented by the servant, has the characteristics of a trickster that is not bound by the existing frame, so it can encompass the psychological elements that have been ignored in the collective consciousness. Such element may represent compensation or an alternative to the collective consciousness in the late Joseon Dynasty. The master puts the servant in a leather bag and hangs it on a tree to kill the servant. However, the servant deceives a blind man; he opened his eyes while hanged. Instead of the servant, the blind man dies, and the servant is freed. As the problem of the conflict between master and servant is finally entrusted to the whole spirit (Self) symbolized by a tree, the blind man gets removed. It can be understood as an intention of the Self to distinguish and purify the elements of recklessness, stupidity, and greed included in the trickster. Through these processes, the servant, which symbolizes a new change in collective consciousness or a new attitude of ego, solves the existing problems and takes the place of the master. While listening to the cunning servant's performance, the audience feels a sense of joy and liberation. At the same time, in the part where the blind man and the master's family die instead and the servant becomes the master, they experience feelings of fear and concern about the danger and uncontrollability of the servant. The tricksters appearing in foreign analogies are also thoroughly selfish and make innocent beings deceive or die in order to satisfy their desires and escape from danger. Efforts to punish or reform these tricksters are futile and they run away. Therefore, this folktale can also be seen as having a purpose and meaning to let us know that this archetypal shadow is very dangerous and that consciousness cannot control or assimilate it, but only awe and contemplate it. Trickster is an irrational manifestation of revivifying natural energy that rises from the unconscious as a compensation for hardened existing structure and order. The phenomenon may be destructive and immoral from the standpoint of the existing collective mind, but it should be seen as a function of the collective unconscious, a more fundamental psychic function that cannot be morally defined. The servant, a figure of the trickster archetype, is a being that brings transformation and has the duality and contradiction of destructiveness and creativity. The endings of this folktale's analogies are diverse, reflecting the diversified response of the audience's mind due to the ambivalence of the trickster, and also suggesting various responses toward the problem of the trickster from the unconscious. It also shows that the trickster is a problem of inconclusive and controversial contradictions that cannot be controlled with a conscious rational attitude, and that we can only seriously contemplate the trickster archetype within us.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.495-524
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• 2018

This study investigated the literary theory of Jang Jiyeon and his compilation consciousness of the historical biography, and based on this, the study examined the aspect and characteristic of the personage adoption of "Ilsayusa". To figure out the characteristic of "Ilsayusa", this study attempted to investigate the Jang Jiyeon's cognition on epic literature first. Jang Jiyeon had interest in the historical biography in his early days. But he clearly expressed the negative position about the novels which had been handed down from old times, mentioning about their harmful effect, even though they were in a big popularity. The good readings he thought was supposed to be helpful for person's work, study, personality and even the custom, so it is thought that the compilation of "Ilsayusa" was planned as a part of a usefulness to help readers' actual lives by summarizing Jang Jiyeon's philosophy as the form of a historical biography of personages who had actually existed. The direct motivation and the awareness of the problem to compile "Ilsayusa" could be confirmed by the postscript he left. Pointing that Joseon's policy of appointing persons of ability resulted in the loss of the nation, Jang Jiyeon paid attention to the classical scholars from low class, people from under middle class and the local figures in Hamgyeongdo and Pyeongando in the process of compiling "Ilsayusa". Along with this, a kind of a sense of duty that the old heritage must be examined by descendents was manifested as the compilation of "Ilsayusa". Through this, Jang Jiyeon tried to show the good model to the readers of "Ilsayusa" what the way of living would be for raising their volition and keeping the fundamentals. The tendency and characteristic of compiling personages in "Ilsayusa" could be sorted in a few ways as written below. First, it includes all kinds of all actually existed episodes while he was collecting various historical biographies published before. Second, it includes the new kinds of personages paying particular attention to figures of middle class and commoners. Third, it compiled the female figures in a great volume and described new model of woman. Fourth, for areas, it has episodes of all areas in the nation including Pyeongando and Hamgyeongdo. Thinking about all the discussion above, we could estimate that "Ilsayusa" is the definitive edition of these kinds of books which inherited all performances of the biographical literature in better way, which had been accomplished in 19th century.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.467-493
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• 2018

This Study looks into increase of Match-ending type of 'Ureonggaksi' folktale and its secularization focusing on Match-ending types of 71 materials from "The Comprehensive Collection of Korean Folklore"(1979-1985) and 'The Revision And Enlargement project' (2008-2018). This study classifies 'Ureonggaksi' folktale into ones of 1910-70s, 80s, and 2000s. Match-ending types increase in "The Comprehensive Collection of Korean Folklore" and 'The Revision And Enlargement project'. Match-ending types constitute 60% of Ureonggaksi' folktale materials from "The Comprehensive Collection of Korean Folklore" and 'The Revision And Enlargement project', which is twice more than 34% of Parting-ending types. Firstly, taboo motif in Match-ending types is inclined to disappear. Even if taboo motif appears, materials with keeping its taboo are more than breaking one. It means that the function of taboo weakens, since the meaning of sacred wedding is emphasized when it is broken. Desacralization of Ureonggaksi figure is inclined to make the match of hero and heroin recognized as a common one. Increase of match type without taboo motif, and a new Ureonggaksi type in 'The Revision And Enlargement project', Underground monster-defeating type, with a character of Romantic matching narrative, mean Discoloration of Ureonggaksi folktale. Interest and recognition on sacred existence disappears, and there is found the conciousness to pursue happiness in real world through connection between man and woman by realistic world-view. This study contains 37 Ureonggaksi folktales recorded in 'The Revision And Enlargement project' (2008-2018) as material. Furthermore, there are found new Ureonggaksi types in 'The Revision And Enlargement project': Underground monster-defeating type, which is transformed from groom with bird-feather clothes type(a kind of matching-ending type of Ureonggaksi folktale), and the subjugated's resistance awareness weakens and shows a character of Romantic matching narrative.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.1
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• pp.119-129
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• 1977

It is significant for developing the future for us to know our present age. In order to preserve our Korean costume as a fola clothes retaining our distinguished independent characterisitics and to help design the tomorrow of our Korean costume playing a role as a racial to develop the world clothing culture, a survey was conducted to investigate modern people's conscious-ness and wearing practumes of Korean costume by questionaire and interviewing methods. The results of the survey were analyzed as follows: (1) At present, Korean costumes were purchased as customtailored(64.0%) and as ready-made(17.8%) and most of them were not made at individual homes. The laundry and ironing of them were carried out at laundry shops(68.8%). Considering our present economic, social and cultural aspects, sowing, laundryand ironing will not be carried out at homes again in the future and ready made costumes seen to be produced in a large scale in the future. Garment makers and laundry shop operators should be trained how to make our Korean costumes retain our traditional beauty in the course of their production and laundry and the makers of ready-made costumes must make research how to efficiently produce ideal ready-made costumes by adopting the synchro system in their wrk odisivion. (2) The age group wearing Korean costumes most frequently was the aged people over 60 (their wearing rate; 45%-50%) and the group wearing them most frequently next io the aged people over 60, was housewives(their wearing rate; 15%-20%). Excludign aged people and housewives, other respondentsdid not wear Korean costumes very frequently. Men's wearing rate was lower their wearing rate was the younger their ages were and the less their monthly incomes were. Korean costumes were used for holiday and festival(60%), wedding and funeral ceremonies (52%), visiting and working(22%), casual wear(12.8%) and home wear(9.2%). The use of Korean costumes as casual and home wears, was lower than the use for holday, festival, visiting and working, Under our present circumstances in which our Korean people use both Western style clothes and Korean costumer, our Korean costume has lostits position as a basic and necessary requiement in Korean people's daily life and become a ceremonical and fancy costume. It is natural that the times and life change everything in our daily life. Our costume has to be made as good ceremonial and fancy clothes satisfying modern sensibility according to its new role. In order for us to get close with our clothes, a keen study must be carried out to cleat the color, material, style, function and harmony of the Korean costume matching the of the times. (3) The 47.8% of the respondents answered that they were proud of our Korean costume as our folk clothes, 47.6% replied that thought them just common and 1.1% responded that they were ashamed of it. Most of them were affirmative in feeling pride with our Korean costume. (4) Considering the functional aspect of Korean costumes, their strong points were symetric beauty, rhythmical beauty, unity feeling, harmonical beauty and detailed decorations. Their common shortcomings were lack of individuality and inadequateness for active life. The shortcomings of woman costumes were suppressing breast, making resperation difficult and in adequnteness in summer time. The main reason not to wear our Korean costumes, was due to the fact that they are incomvenient for active life. As a measure to eliminate such shortcomings, 1) the suspension system of skirt to remove the suppression of breast should be generally adopted. 2) they should be simplified in their structure to make them convenient for active life and adepuate in wearing them in hot weather in an extent to which the traditional beauty of the costume may not be lostand 3) a new technique must be explored for showing individuality by wearing method and new arrangment of colors and decorations. (5) The reasons desiring to wear Korean costumes were classifide as follows: A. Korean costumes are our traditional clothes(43.4%). B. Korean costumes are noble and beautiful(26.8%). C. They are accustomed to wear Korean costumes by habit(19.5%). D. Korean costumes are necessary for attending ceremoneis(9.5%). E. Miscellaneous reasons(0.8%). Classifying these reasons into age groups, the high age group over 40 wore them because they were easy to wear by habit and the low age group of 10-30 never thought that they were east to wear by habit. Considering that even those who were accustomed to wear Korean costumes showed a low wearing rate and that the young generation were accustomed to wear Western style clothes rather than Korean costumes, the wearing rate of Korean costumes will be reduced in the future if such trend continues. It is urgent for us to make our best efforts in order to enhance the interest of young generation in Korean costumes and not to make them lose the strong points of Korean costume in the future. (6) Conicering the plan of the respondents on what kind of clothes they were going to wear in the future, among the age group over 50, those who wanted to wear only Korean costumes were 24.8%(men) and 35.1%(women), those who wanted to wear 49.7%(men) and 47.4(women), those who wanted to wear chiefly Western style clothes were 20.7% (men) and 14.4%(women) and those who wanted to wear only Western style clothes, were 2.4% (men) and 2.1%(women). This shows that the general tendency to wear only or chiefly Korean costumes is more prevalent than that to wear only Western style. Among the age group under 50, the tendency to wear Western style clothes was conspicuous and most of the respondent answered that they would wear chiefly Western style clothes and Korean costumes occasionally. Only 5.4% of the respondent answered that they would wear only Western style clothes and this shows that meny respondents still wonted to wear Korean costumes. Those who wanted their descendants to wear what they desire, were 50.1%(men) and 68.8% (women) and those who wanted their descendants to wear Koran costumes occasionally, were 85.8%(men) and 86.3%(women). This shows that most of respondents wanted their descendants to wear Korean costumes. In order to realize, it is necessory for us to make ourdescendants recognize the preciousness of our traditional culture and modify our Korean costumes according to their taste so that they may like wearing them.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.241-260
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• 1995

The Maori's traditional clothing materials, basic forms of dress, and the pattern and technique of tatoo were examined in the present study in order to deepen the appreciation of the cultural heritage of the Maori. The research method employed was the analysis of written materials. And a fild-trip was also made for the study. The study was limitted to the traditional culture of body adornment of the Maori including the clothing which is preserved and practicing by them at the present day, and the origin and the process of the historical development of those are not included in the scope of the present study. Followings are the results of the study: (1) By far the most widely used fiber for Maori clothing is abtained from what is commonly called New Zealand Flax. The fiber of kiekie(Freycinetia baueriana) and cabbage trees(Cordyline spp.) may also be used. The strong, long-lasting fiber of toi(cordyline indivisa) is used for a prestige warrior's cloak. Flat strips of ti kauka(Cordyline australi) are also used as thatch on rain cloaks. (2) Regardless of technique used, Maori weaving is always worked horizontally from left to right. Traditionally the work was suspended between two upright turuturu or weaving sticks. As the work progressed a second pair of uprights was used to keep the work off the ground. These uprights were moved forward as required. Because the weaver sat on the ground, the working edge was kept at a height that was comfortable to reach. No weaving tools are used, the wefts(aho) being manipulated by the fingers. The two main Maori weaving techniques are whatu aho patahi(single-pair twining) and whatu aho rua(double-pair twining). (3) The Maori wore two basic garments - a waist met and a cloak. The cloth of commoners were of plain manufacture, while those of people of rank were superior, sometimes being decorated with feather or dyed tags and decorated borders. Children ran more-or-less naked until puberty, being dressed only for special events. Some working dress consisted of nothing more than belts with leaves thrust under them. Chiefs and commoners usually went barefoot, using rough sandals on journeys over rough country (4) The adornment of men and women of rank was an important matter of tribal concern as it was in chiefly persons that prestige of the group was centred, The durable items of Maori persons adornment were either worn or carried. Ornaments of various kinds were draped about the neck or suspended from pierced earlobes. Combs decorated the head. Personal decorations not only enhanced the appearance of men and women, but many had protective magical function. The most evident personal ornament was the hei-tiki made of jade or other material. Maori weapons were treasured by their owners. They served on bottle and were also personal regalia. A man of rank was not fully dressed without a weapon in hand. Also weapons were essential to effective oratory. (5) No man or woman of rank went without some tattoo adornment except in extremely rare instances when a person was too sacred to have any blood shed. The untattooed were marked as beeing commoners of no social standing. This indelible mark of rank was begun, with appropriate rite and ritual, at puberty. And tattoo marked the person as being of a marriageable age. Maori tattoo was unlike most traditional tattoo in that its main line were 'engraved' on the face with deep cuts made by miniature bone chisels. The fill-in areas were not tattooed with cuts but with the multiple pricks of small bone 'combs' that only lightly penetrated the skin surface. The instrument of tattoo consisted of small pots of pumice or wood into which was placed a wetted black pigment made from burnt kauri gum, burnt vegetable caterpillars or other sooty materials. A bird bone chisel or comb set at right angles on a short wooden handle was dipped into the gigment, that a rod or stick was used to tap head of this miniature adze, causing penetration of the skin surface. Black pigment lodged under the skin took on a bluish tinge. A full made facial tattoo consisted of major spirals with smaller spirals on each side of the nose and sweeping curved lines radiating out from between the brows over the forehead and from the nose to the chin. The major patterns were cut deep, while the secondary koru patterns were lightly pricked into the skin.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.1-11
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• 1979

This is a study on angels' costumes in religious paintings, especially as this relates to the questions of concepts and theological symbolism. Angels, as spiritual creatures in Christian thought, play the role of praising God's glory, as messengers of God, the role of guarding Israel and the Church, and protecting or punishing human beings. Sometimes the angels appear in incarnate form. They display no sexual differences and are not able to procreate. The angels' funtional classification being thus; nevertheless, they are pictured in various costumes and appearances according to characteristics of the paintings. The angel Michael appears as a man of dignity when pictured as a guard; the angel Gabriel in the annunciation is often portrayed as a woman of mystical beauty. Under the Renaissance, the mighty cherubim and seraphim at Yahweh's throne are degraded as plump child-angels, or winged child-heads looking alike Eros or Cupid. They have become playful and all too obviously non-heavenly chrubs, accepted features of the Temple decorations. However, cherubim are often depicted as naked or wrapped around with a piece of cloth and accompanied with wind, which symbolizes the Glory of God. The angels, costumes without seam are hung over or wrapped around the body, and when sewn they are simple and ample enough that they fall in a great many folds. However, by the 14C. angels are mostly dressed in costumes common to all Europe, and after that angels gradually appear in folk costumes; for example Italian, Flemish, etc. Dalmatic, the typical costume of Byzantine often shows up as angels' dresses even after the period. Originally the dalmatic was the Roman tunic to which Eastern influences added. The Roman clavus on the tunic had gradually lost distinction until, by the Imperial epoch, it was worn by the lowest servants. It was proudly therefore, as 'The servants of God', that the early Christians are shown wearing the clavus on their wide, ungirdled, sleeved dalmatics. In addition to their costume, angels have some other distinct charateristics. First, angels have a halo around their head; this symbolizes their holiness. Second, angels wear a narrow diadem or a queen's crown that seems to denote their glorious status close to God's throne. Third, the cloth band across the breast resembles a priest's stole, which suggests the sacred role of a priest and symbolizes the grace santified. Fourth, lilies in the annunciations are symbols of Mary's virginity. chastity, innocence and heavenly bliss. Angels hold palms or olives in their hands. The former denote prosperity. beauty and the Christians' reward after death; the latter represent peace and amity. the imperial crown made of olives means victory. Fifth, angels in paintings always have a pair of wings, which can be traced to scripture where cherubim and seraphim are described as having pairs of wings. Angels' wings often have colors of the rainbow, and the rainbow is compared to God's glory. Sixth, generally artists paint angels' costumes as white, blue, green, gold and purple. Other colors such as red rarely appear. According, to scriptures it is believed that angels should be depicted 'as white as snow'. According to the biblical expressions of angels as lightning, sun or a pillar of fire, angels should be described as creatures of light. Nevertheless being a form of art, religious paintings may differ in their presentation according to an artist's inspiration and intention. Since religious paintings illustrated above were almost all done before the Reformation, symbols of colors used in the Catholic Church will also be mentioned. The white color symbolizes chastity, purity, brightness, delight and divinity. Green represents new birth, eternal life, spiritual revival and the expectance of the grace of God. Blue, the color of sapphires, denotes chastity and truth. Red, the color of rubies, represents divinity, love and religious passion. Violet is the color of dignity, indicating the sovereign, royal or imperial power and the great Sacrifice of Christ. As mentionad above, angels' costumes were expressed in accordance with contemporary patterns or as indicated in the Bible, and accesories and colors correspond with Christian symbols. Therefore these facts should be taken into consideration when it comes to the study of costume history.

• Child Health Nursing Research
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.322-341
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• 2001

The family value is expected to play a crucial role in adjusting a new environment for the family, especially in the critical situation as having a child with cancer in the family. The purpose of the study was to analyze the family values of the family with cancer children in order to offer descriptive data, which will facilitate family adjustment with cancer children. The survey was conducted from July 18, 2000 to August 30, 2000 and the analysis included 309 parents of the children who have been diagnosed as cancer, 18 years of age or less, and treated either hospitalized or at the outpatient clinics. Two instruments were used to measure family value. The modified form of General family value scale was 18 items with a 5 points of Likert response format (Cronbach alpha= .78) and Family value scale was developed for the study with 12 items on a 5 points of Likert response format(Cronbach alpha= .73). The data analysis utilized SAS 6.12 for percentage, frequency, Mean, and t-test of demographic characteristics and mean, F score, ANOVA, and Duncan follow-up test of variable relationships. The study findings were as follows. 1) In General family value, the fathers gave the higher scores to 'The children should live with their parents'(M=4.01), and 'A parents and their children are like one body' (M=3.91). The item with lowest score was 'Its not impossible for man to have extramarital relationship'(M=1.92). The mothers thought the most important items were 'A parents and their children are like one body'(M=3.79), and 'A wife needs to be patient to keep harmony of the family' (M=3.56), and the item with lowest score was 'Its not impossible for man to have extramarital relationship'(M=1.44). 2) The mean scores of the mothers were higher than the fathers for all items in family value with cancer children, while fathers gave more points for items in general family value. Both of parents gave the highest score to 'The health of the family is most important to me'(M=4.85 for fathers, M=4.97 for mothers), and followed by 'The husband and wife need to be patient and understand each other to overcome the difficulties'. The item with lowest scores was 'The parents can have conflicts in making decisions since their child was sick'(M=3.34 for fathers, M=3.37 for mothers). 3) There were significant differences between fathers and mothers in items of General family value; fathers gave more points to the items of 'The children should live with their parents', 'Its essential to hold the ceremony to respect their forefathers', 'Its not impossible for man to have extramarital relationship', 'A woman with two daughters should have one more baby to succeed the generation', 'The husbands are responsible for the household economy', and 'When his mother and wife dont get along, the man should be on his mothers side'. However, there was no significant difference between fathers and mothers in items of Family value with cancer children. 4) The general family value was significantly different by the birth order of cancer children, mothers age, mothers education level, and types of payment. On the other hand, the family value with cancer children was significantly different by the age of cancer children, period of illness, period after completing treatment, family type, the number of family members, and the number of total children.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.429-462
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• 2019

This paper argues how the concept of melodrama can be articulated with the Affect Theory and Posthumanism in relation to animal or environment representation which have emerged as the new topics of the recent era. The argument will be made through the discussion of Agustin Zarzosa's book, Refiguring Melodrama in Film and Television: Captitve Affects, Elastic Sufferings, Vicarious Objects. Using a genealogical approach, the book revisits the notion of mode, affect, suffering (hysteria), and excess which have been dealt with in the existing studies of melodrama. In chapter one, he broadens the concept of melodrama as a mode into the means of redistribution of suffering across the whole society in the mechanism of the duo of evil and virtue. It is the opposition of Brooks's argument in which melodrama functions as the means of proving the distinction between evil and virtue. Chapter two focuses on the fact that melodrama is an elastic system of specification rather than a system of signification, with the perspective of Deleuzian metaphysics. Through the analysis of Home from the Hill (Vincente Minnelli, 1959), this chapter pays attention to an 'affect' generated by the encounters between the bodies and the Mise-en-Scène as a flow not of a meaning but of an affect. Chapter three argues that melodrama should reveal an unloved (woman's) suffering, opposing the discussion on the role of melodrama as the recovery of moral order. Safe (Todd Haynes, 1995), dealing with female suffering caused by the industrial and social environment, elaborates on the arguments on melodrama in relation to female hysteria with ecocritical standpoints. The rest of the two chapters discusses the role of melodrama for the limitation and extension of the notion of the human through 'animal' and 'posthuman' melodrama. It argues that the concept of melodrama as 'excess' and 'sacrifice' blurs the boundary between human and inhuman. In summary, although the author Zarzosa partly agrees with Peter Brook's notion of mode, affect and sufferings,he elaborates the concept of melodrama, by articulating philosophical arguments such as Deleuzianism, feminism, and posthumanism (Akira Lippit and Carry Wolf) with the melodrama. Thefore, Zarzosa challenges the concepts of melodrama led by Brooks, which had been canonical in the field.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.113-127
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• 2005

From the ancient times, incense was used for various usages including a means of beauty expression with flavor, a medicine for disease treatment and a device for religious event or ritual. The period of T'ang was the times when cultural and material exchanges with foreign countries were very actively made under the political openness of the Chinese nation. Here the exchanges were made mainly through inland trade, called Silk Road(絲綢之路) and marine trade routes, Incense Road(香料之路). This indicates that incense was one of the main items actively traded at that time. In addition, literatures of the T'ang period show that in the Chinese nation, a wide range of classes from the imperial family to the public used incense for many different purposes. This suggests that the culture of incense was deeply prevailed and very socially significant in T'ang. This study investigated social factors that promoted the incense culture of T'ang and the applications and types of incense widely used in the period of T'ang. First, influential religions and the openness of sex culture were main social factors that made incense culture flourish in the period of T'ang. Above all, two main religions of the Chinese nation, Buddhism and Taoism became secularized under political protection by the imperial family. As Buddhism was popularized, the Buddhist ritual of incense burning made a contribution to making public incense culture. Providing its doctrines of eternal youth and eternal life, Taoism necessarily used incense to form a Taoistic climate. The flourishment of the foresaid religion in T'ang added more fuel to that of incense culture in the Chinese nation. The openness of sex culture brought about the Inauguration of the empress, improvement in female position and free relationships between man and woman. It was accelerated by sexology as a method of eternal youth provided by Taoism. The opened culture also developed the culture of kibang where female entertainers called kinyeo consumed lots of incense for decoration and sexual desire stimulation. These open climates of T'ang society made a great contribution to making incense culture, especially for decoration, prevailed throughout the Chinese nation. Second, types of incense prevailed and widely used in the period of T'ang included olive incense, germander(廣藿香), olibnum(乳香), myrrh Resinoid(沒藥), jia Xiang(甲香), clove(丁香) and Shen xian(沈香), all of which were imported from foreign nations and had various applications. Specifically, olive incense, germander(廣藿香), olibnum(乳香) and myrrh Resinoid(沒藥) were used for religious purposes while, jia Xiang(甲香), clove(丁香) and Shen xian(沈香) for the purposes of religion and decoration. In conclusion, a number of social factors including political, religious and medical purposes and the openness of sex culture set fundamentals on which the culture of incense was extensively developed and established as a social trend in T'ang. In the Chinese nation, incense culture was not just an option for taste, but a part of life style social members needed to know. People of T'ang not only enjoyed incense mainly for purposes of religion, pleasure and make-up, but also had the wisdom to know various effects of incense, curiosity about such new things and the will to imitate and pursue alien culture, resultantly flourishing incense culture. Thus the culture of incense represented many social aspects of T'ang.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.9-37
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• 2020

The present study examines the transnational "Hallyu" (the Korean wave) phenomenon after the 1990s in the context of a solidarity movement of East Asian women. It also focuses on the passion for the world stage given the cultural industry was supported by the government as a "chimney-less factory" during the IMF financial crisis. Over the past twenty years and through Hallyu 1.0, Hallyu 2.0, and Hallyu 3.0, "K-entertainment" has been advocated, as a concept that encompasses K-drama, K-pop, etc. in the cultural industry. Furthermore, everything Korean, through K-culture, is being put at the forefront. However, there is insufficient discussion regarding the actions of the women who led the Korean wave. This paper examines the female fans and girl groups who played leading roles in the rise of popular culture and its transnational prominence within the context of the female agency and female labor involved. The lack of acknowledgment of their roles is linked to the current erasure of the discussion on the female youth. Discussion on "woman" is still limited to the domain of reproduction in the generational discussion that has replaced the existing nation-state or class led discussions in the current era of neoliberalism. However, since The reboot or the popularity of feminism in recent years, the interest in the female narrative, in works such as 'Kim Ji-young, Born 1982' has been expanding beyond East Asia to the rest of the world. Just as Hallyu was created by women in the beginning, there is a new trend in which women across national borders are joining in solidarity. As such, the present study attempts to prove that the female fan, girl group, and female youths must be one meta-narrative through a feminist reading, rather than individuals with separate identities.