• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• 제9권
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• pp.555-652
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• 1996

Up to the present the scholastic achievements in the history of the medical system have been rather scare despite its importance in the Korean History. Hence, this dissertation attempts to examine the significance of the institute in the Korean History, covering the period from the ancient times through the early Chosun-Dynasty. In the ancient times, the medical practice relied primarily upon human instincts and experiences at the same time, shaman's incantations were widely believed to cure diseases, the workings of evil spirits supposedly. For the period from the Old Chosun through Samhan(巫堂), Chinese refugees brought a long medical knowledge and skills of the continent. New Chinese medicine, traditional practices and incantations were generally used at this time. Medicine and the medical system were arranged by the period of the Three Countries(三國時代). No definite record concerning Koguryo remains now. As for Paekje, however, history shows that they set up the system under the Chinese influence, assigning medical posts such as Euibaksa(medical doctor), Chaeyaksa(pharmacist), and Jukeumsa(medicine man) within Yakbu(department of medicine). Scientifically advanced, they sent experts to Japan, giving a tremendous influence on the development of the science on ancient Japan. After the unification of the three countries, Shilla had their own system after the model of Dang(唐). This system of the Unified Shilla was continued down to Koryo and became the backbone of the future ones. In the ancient time religion and medicine were closely related. The curative function of the shaman was absolute. Buddhism played a notable part in medical practice, too, producing numerous medical monks. The medical system of Koryo followed the model of Dang with some borrowings from Song(宋). Sangyakkuk(尙藥局) was to deal exclusively with the diseases of the monarch whereas Taeeuigam(太醫監) was the central office to handle the national medical administration and the qualification test and education for doctors. In addition, Dongsodaebiwon(東西大悲院), Jewibo(濟危寶), and Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were public hospitals for the people, and a few aristocrats practiced medicine privately. In 987, the 6th year of Songjong(成宗), local medical operations were installed for curing the sick and educating medical students. Later Hyonjong(顯宗), established Yakjom(clinics, 藥店) throughout the country and officials were sent there to see patients. Foreign experts, mainly from Song, were invited frequently to deliver their advanced technology, and contributed to the great progress of the science in Korea. Medical officials were equipped with better land and salary than others, enjoying appropriate social respect. Koryo exchanged doctors, medicine and books mainly with Song, but also had substantial interrelations with Yuan(元), Ming(明), Kitan(契丹), Yojin(女眞), and Japan. Among them, however, Song was most influential to the development of medicine in Koryo. During Koryo Dynasty Buddhism, the national religion at the time, exercised bigger effect on medicine than in any other period. By conducting national ceremonies and public rituals to cure diseases, Taoism also affected the way people regarded illness. Curative shamanism was still in practice as well. These religious practices, however, were now engaged only when medication was already in use or when medicine could not held not help any more. The advanced medical system of Koryo were handed down to Chosun and served the basis for further progress. Hence, then played well the role to connect the ancient medicine and the modern one. The early Chosun followed and systemized the scientific and technical achievement in medicine during the Koryo Dynasty, and furthermore, founded the basis of the future developments. Especially the 70 years approximately from the reign of Sejong(世宗) to that of Songjong(成宗) withnessed a termendous progress in the field with the reestablishment of the medical system. The functions of the three medical institute Naeeuiwon(內醫院), Joneuigam(典醫監), Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were expanded. The second, particualy, not only systemized all the medical practices of the whole nation, but also grew and distributed domestic medicaments which had been continually developed since the late Koryo period. In addition, Hyeminso(惠民局, Hwarinwon(活人院)) and Jesaenwon(濟生院)(later merged to the first) played certain parts in the curing illness. Despite the active medical education in the capital and the country, the results were not substantial, for the aristocracy avoided the profession due to the social prejudice against technicians including medical docotors. During the early Chosun-Dynasty, the science was divided into Chimgueui (acupuncturist), Naryogeui(specialist in scrofula) and Chijongeui (specialist in boil). For the textbooks, those for the qualification exam were used, including several written by the natives. With the introduction on Neoconfucianism(性理學) which reinforced sexual segregation, female doctors appeared for the female patients who refused to be seen by male doctors. This system first appeared in 1406, the sixth year of Taejong(太宗), but finally set up during the reign of Sejong. As slaves to the offices, the lowest class, female doctors drew no respect. However, this is still significant in the aspect of women's participation in society. They were precedents of midwives. Medical officials were selected through the civil exam and a special test. Those who passed exams were given temporary jobs and took permanent posts later. At that time the test score, the work experience and the performance record of the prospective doctor were all taken into consideration, for it was a specialized office. Most doctors were given posts that changed every six months, and therefore had fewer chances for a goverment office than the aristocracy. At the beginning the social status of those in medicine was not that low, but with the prejudice gradully rising among the aristocracy, it became generally agreed to belong to the upper-middle technician class. Dealing with life, however, they received social respect and courtesy from the public. Sometimes they collected wealth with their skills. They kept improving techniques and finally came to take an important share in modernization process during the late Chosun-Dynasty.

• Journal of architectural history
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• 제12권3호
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• pp.39-52
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• 2003

The purpose of this study is to show the constructional activities conducted by the Buddhist craftsmen of Bumeo-sa, especially to focus on the government constructions at Dongrae province in the 1700s. The result is as follows: 1) In the early 1700s, Bumeo-sa developed to become a great Buddhist temple and was be able to possess a large number of workers and craftsmen. On the base of these workforce and skill, the Buddhist craftsmen of Bumeo-sa played the most leading roles for the government constructions until the late of 1700s. 2) Though the conditions of finance and workforce at Dongrae province were not good enough at that time, several huge government constructions could be promoted successively, owing to Bumeo-sa's supports. 3) Above all, the Buddhist craftsmen in Bumeo-sa monopolized the construction of Dongrae Hyangyo in the middle of the 1700s. But the private craftsmen got replaced their main roles in the government and temple constructions since the late of the 1700s.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• 제26권6호
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• pp.539-553
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• 2011

This study was intended to examine the continuance and transformation of food culture during the enlightenment and Japanese ruling era by analyzing the novel of "Toji". In the novel "Toji", the chaotic political and economic situation is reflected, along with the peoples' hard lives in the latter era of the Choson Dynasty. After the full-fledged invasion of China by the Japanese, the shift to a wartime posture was accompanied by an increased need for food. This led to a rationing and delivery system for rice in the late 1930s. While it was hard for people to obtain even brewer's grains and bean-curd dregs, food distribution officers were well off. Another distinctive feature of the food culture during the enlightenment and Japanese ruling era was that foreign food and recipes were introduced naturally to Korea through the influx of various foreigners. The industry of Choson was held by Japanese monopolistic capital, as a result, Choson had equal to the role as a spending site and was only gradually left destitute. In the Japanese ruling era, there were new type of business including such as patisserie of the types of civilization in the town, and those tempted Korean people. However, the Japanese and pro-Japan collaborators dominated commercial business. Being urbanization through the modernization, it was became patronized fast food in the populous downtown, and the change of industry structure and life style greatly influenced into our food culture. Acceptance the convenient Japanese style fast food such as Udong, pickled radish made was actively accepted with a longing for the advancement civilization. After the enlightenment, many Japanese exchange students went to Tokyo to get advanced civilization and provided urban mood according to their consumption of bread, coffee, Western food, which were considered a part of the elite culture.

• Journal of architectural history
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.43-54
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• 2013

Compared to Early Chosun Dynasty, the spatial structure of most local Eupseongs of Korea had a standardized change with the expansion and spread of the Rye-hak(禮學:a study of confucius Rite). Meanwhile in the process of rebuilding Eupseongs there was a tendency of relocation of the local government offices(官衙) and its attached facilities in terms of functions and use. Although it was PyeongSanseong Miryang Eupseong had an unreasonable spatial structure locating Gaeksa(客舍; accommodation house for visitors) in the middle of the local government office complex, and Dongheon(東軒;main office building) in the east of it before the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. However with the reorganization of spatial Structure of local Eupseongs after the Japanese invasion Gaeksa was moved to the foot of Adongsan where commanded a fine view of river. Dongheon was moved to the center of Eupseong for the effective management of its auxiliary organizations. It was because road system and administrative efficiency had a serious effect on deciding the location of the local government office and its attached facilities. After the Japanese invasion Hyangchoeng(鄕廳), having been out of Eupseong, also was moved to the independent location within Eupseong separate from Dongheon and Gaeksa. It seemed to take into account the autonomy of Hyangchoeng. Dongheon, Gaeksa, and Hyangchoeng which are the crucial facilities of Milyang Eupseong were arranged at each angular point of big triangle. In order to enhance the administative efficiency, the attached administrative facilities were arranged surrounding Dongheon and Hyangchoeng. The spatial structure of Milyang Eupseong in the late Choseon dynasty was of great difference from that of uniformly organized system of early Choseon Period. It was because the development of administrative function, the pursuit of efficiency, and commercial progress had a great impact on the change of urban space.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• 제1권
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• pp.67-77
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• 2019

This study tried to evaluate the official Korea Red Ginseng(Hongsam) trade in 19th century. The Hongsam trade activities of the 19th century also show that the collected amount of Posam taxes (Hongsam taxes) alone outweigh the amount of cost spent during the same time period to launch tributary actions. It is quite obvious that the Chosun dynasty, supported by the developed techniques of ginseng cultivation and preservation methods, managed to stop the silver leaks while also stimulating the domestic commerce, handicraft business and mining operations, by exporting Hongsam to China and importing raw material and other finished products in return. The Chosun government also managed to secure considerable amount of marginal profit which at times mounted to almost 2 hundred thousand Nyangs of silver during the latter half of the 19th century thanks to this Hongsam trade activities, and accumulated the hoof-shaped pieces of silver ingot at the office of Ministry of Taxation. Even under the mostly undesirable political environment featuring unjustified deeds of the powerful houses, the commercial activities were being strongly maintained, and the transactions conducted by merchants of the Gaeseong, Euiju areas and the capital city were prospering.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• 제38권5호
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• pp.686-700
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• 2003

In Korea, aside from their official administrative names, aliases of each province or some regions are widely used not only today but also during the Joseon period when the provincial system as local administrative system was firmly implemented. Of aliases, the most representative were Giho, Gwandong, Hoseo, Haeseo, Honam, Yaeongnam, Gwanseo, and Gwanbuk representing the eight provinces (precisely, Gyeonggi and seven provinces) of Chosun Dynasty, as well as Yeongdong and Yeongseo that represent the east and the west of Gangwon-do. These aliases are mostly based on topographical features and physiographical elements, and compared to the official names of eight provinces which depended solely on city names. Of aliases, some appeared in literature during 13-l4th centuries, and all provincial aliases seem to have been widely used after the late 15th century. Aliases continued to be used for 500 to over 700 years. Aliases of eight provinces, geographically, played not lesser role than their official names. Aliases of the eight provinces and regions during the Chosun Dynasty that have been handed down are considered as holding their places' cultural and historical backgrounds, and have become important enough to be accepted as a unit of geographical regional division. The origin and meaning of aliases of each province have been partially disclosed to the geographical circle and the general public. However, the details should be reviewed. First of all, Gwan in Gwanbuk, Gwanseo and Gwandong, as well as Yeong in Yeongnam, Yeongdong and Yeongseo, are each considered as meaning Sobaek Mountain Range and Taebaek Mountain Range with many borderline areas (borders) and military strategic hubs. Also, Ho in Honam, Hoseo, and Giho, are considered as based on the Geum River and Eurimji, and Haeseo are considered as meaning the west of the Gyeonggi Bay, and having relevancy with the first letters of Haeju and Seoha (Pungcheon).

• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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• 제34권11호
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• pp.135-144
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• 2018

During the Late Joseon dynasty, abandoned mountain fortresses were urgently repaired for the operation of foothold mountain fortresses in Gyeongsang-do, during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 and immediately after the Qing Invasion of Korea in 1636. Immediately after the Qing Invasion of Korea, an external fortress wall was built and added to each of Cheonsaeng Fortress and Geumo Fortress to establish a system of protecting locals inside a fortress at important locations for border defense against Japan in the Yeongnam region. Cheonseng Fortress, however, did not have sufficient geographical and protection conditions as a mountain fortress for protecting people inside it; thus, Gasan Fortress was newly built to replace Cheonsaeng Fortress. Geumo and Gasan Fortresses were used in border defense against Japan during the period from King Injo's reign to the end of Joseon Dynasty, because the fortresses served the purpose of defending Nakdonggang River and middle roads located at important roads along the border in the Yeongnam region and because it was possible to quickly repair and use their existing fortress walls and internal facilities, such as middle fortress walls and ponds, that were constructed for long-term protection of locals inside the fortress. In addition, it was found, in this study, that a continuous discussion on how to supplement fortresses led to the reinforcement and improvement of fortress facilities and fortification technology through the application of major strengths of Chinese (Ming) and Japanese fortress systems.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• 제39권
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• pp.113-123
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• 1998

This study focuses on the effects of the clothes worn by kisaeng; courtesans trained in singing and dancing, on changes in female psychology as reflected in general women's fashions during the later years of the Chosun dynasty. During this period, the social order had broken down considerable, due in part to the introduction of Roman Catholicism, and in part to the actions of Sil-hak, who emphasized open-ness and practicality in the organization of social affairs. This freer social environment disrup-ted the established social hierarchies. The kisaeng were among the first to respond to the new social mores by adopting more colorful, sensual, and individualized fashions. Their social position allowed them to reflect the new aesthetics of the time right away. Those aesthetics seemed to lay great emphasis on the artistic effects of contrast. The kisaeng would adorn their heads with large Kache (an elaborate wig or hairdo typically reserved for use by women in full formal dress). In contrast to this conspicuous hairstyle, they typically wore very tight-fitting Jogori (short-cropped Korean traditional jackets for women) around their upper torsos. The long skirts emerging from beneath these short jackets would typically flare out dramatically, with the aid of petticoats. However, these skirts would be bound at the waist with a sash, increasing the sexual suggestiveness of the clothing by drawing at-tention to the hips, and by exposing the bottom frills of the petticoats, or the wide pantal-oons and other undergarments the kisaeng wore to add volume to their skirts. The relative freedom enjoyed by the kisaeng to experiment with new fashions was not widely shared by most women. This generated envy from women of the noble classes, who were more bound by convention, and restrained from adopting such a mode of dress. It also generated envy from women of the humble classes, who saw the kisaeng as working little for their wealth, and yet dressing every day in finery that the average women would only ever be able to afford on her wedding day. This envy directed at the relative freedom/wealth of the kisaeng by women who faced greater socioeconomic constraints was given cultural expression through the adoption of elements of the kisaeng's fashion in the fashions of both noblewomen and humble women in old korea. The luxurious Kache sported by the kisaeng had in fact been borrowed from the habitual attire of upper-class women. So to distinguish themeselves from the kisaeng, they began to abandon these elaborate hairstyles in favor of traditional ceremonial hoods (Nel-ul-a thin black women's hood) and coronets (Suegaechima). This supposed reaction to the abuse of the Kache by the kisaeng still remained influenced by the kisaeng still remained influence by the kisaeng, however, as these headdresses became adorned with many more jewels and decorations, in imitation of the kisaeng's adaptations of the coronet. At the same time, noblewomen began sporting the Jangwue ; a headdress previously worn only by kisaeng and lower class women, and lower class women were then permitted to wear the Kache at weddings. All women behan to wear shorter, tighter Jogori jackets, and to add volume to their skirts. They also attached frills to their under-garments in imitation of the kisaeng's exposed petticoats and pantaloons. The impact of kisaeng fashions was thus deep and widespread, and can be understood as an expression of women's longing for freedom from socioeconomic constraints in the late Chosun dynasty. This study adopts an interdisciplinary ap-proach to the understanding of historical changes in women's fashions. Such interdisciplinary work can greatly enrich the study of fashion, often narrowly focused on clothing morphology and broad generalizations about society. For this reason, specific dynamics of feminine psychology in the late Chosun dynasty were elaborated in this study, to provide a deeper under-standing of the changes in fashion underpinned by them. If more such detailed analyses are undertaken, a whole new understanding of changes in fashion can be generated, and perhaps a transformation of the field of fashion history can be ultimately achieved.

• Archives of design research
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• 제16권4호
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• pp.37-46
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• 2003

About 18th century in the late Chosun dynasty, various kinds of 'Min-Wha' had played a significant role and had an important meaning in the lives of the people in that period. Therefore, both in material and in technique, so many diversified 'Min-Wha' were mass produced in that time. Starting from those backgrounds, 'Hyuk-Wha', is considered as one of unique style of expression. Though, 'Hyuk-Wha', in techniques, was originated from 'Bibaekseo' classified as one of the style of expression in Oriental drawing and writing art. 'Hyuk-Wha' shows and expresses visual differentiation from rough 'Bibaekseo', in substance, written by brush made from the skin of a willow tree or the stem of a sort of reeds. 'Hyuk-Wha', in mode, has very dose relation to the process of the development of 'Min-Wha'. Judging from this point of view, 'Hyuk-Wha' has deep relationship to Taosmic character painting of 'Gilsang: an auspicious sign' or Confucian character painting of 'Hyojae: filial piety. Accordingly, 'Hyuk-Wha' has been developed to that character painting designed by another type of creative differentiations. For these reasons, 'Hyuk-Wha' which significantly shapes and contains the meanings of Chinese Character also has been esteemed to have interrelation with Pictography in application of Word mark or Brand logotype in graphic areas. 'Hyuk-Wha' which was prevalent in use of home decorations for the people existed in the past has been ceased to exist nowadays in use of home decorations by appearance of all sort of decoration articles. All these days, 'Hyuk-Wha' which was diversified as a part 'Min-Wha' and developed together with oriental drawing and writing art and character painting is to be necessarily relighted. And 'Hyuk-Wha', which is also vigorously in practical application in Western Europe is desirable to be reconsidered.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• 제51권4호
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• pp.192-207
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• 2018

The Hyangwonjeong and Chwihyanggyo located in the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace have mainly been investigated by referring to historical records about the reign of King Gojong and various drawings thought to have been made in the late Joseon period. Because the current Chwihyanggyo was rebuilt temporarily after being burned to the ground during the Korean War, its form and the location of its reconstruction are not grounded on any accurate historical investigation. Although there are some photos of the Chwihyanggyo that were taken between the end of the Joseon period and the Japanese colonial era, there is no information about the photographer or when they were taken, and it is hard to see which photos show the original Chwihyanggyo Bridge with them. The Cultural Heritage Administration, which is currently promoting the restoration of the Chwihyanggyo, has recognized this problem and initiated research on the matter. In 2017, an excavation survey successfully identified the original location of the Chwihyanggyo, as well as that of Hyangwonji Gado (假島), and the shape of the first foundation stone in the pier. With these findings it was possible to infer the ways in which the Chwihyanggyo has changed over the years. Moreover, by measuring the AMS (Accelerator Mass Spectrometer) of the samples collected in the mounding layer of the Gado where the Hyangwonjeong is located, it was discovered that the Hyangwonjeong was constructed sometime after the Imjin waeran (Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592), which means that the theory that 'the late Joseon Hyangwonjeong was not the former early Josenn Chwirojeong' is groundless. Judging by the materials found to date, we can reasonably assume that the Chwihyanggyo and Hyangwonjeong must have been built around the same time that Geoncheonggung Palace was founded in the late Joseon period.