• Title/Summary/Keyword: the late of Joseon Dynasty

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The Characteristic of Mun Il-pyeong's Modern History, Joseonhak Campaign (문일평(文一平) 근대사학(近代史學)의 본령(本領), 조선학운동(朝鮮學運動))

  • Park, Sung-soon
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.50
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    • pp.29-54
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    • 2013
  • Mun Il-pyeong(1888-1939) is famous for a nationalist historian led history into popular style to enlighten the public. This paper aims to overview the characteristic of Mun Il-pyeong's history based on prior studies on Mun Il-pyeong's works. The characteristic of Mun Il-pyeong's history shows us people centric trend based on a struggle of classes. For the people, he insisted that description of history should be easy and scientific for the people who are host of history. And Mun Il-pyeong insisted the harmony of nationalist history and positive history. This was a progressive attitude in writing history at that time. Another characteristic of Mun Il-pyeong's history is that he considered cultural history as important. Mun Il-pyoeng wanted to overcome the ashamed political history by cultural history. In this intention, Korean history was again born proudful by him. Mun Il-pyoeng pursued open nationalism, not ultra-nationalism by connecting with other world. This paper focused on the essential part of Mun Il-pyoeng's history. Many scholars think Mun Il-pyeong focused on Korean modern history or history of foreign relation. But I think Mun Il-pyeong attached importance to Practical Learning, Sirhak in late Joseon dynasty. Because Sirhak contained Mun Il-pyeong's academic intention, Modernism and Culturism dreamed from his youth age. Therefore he led so-called Joseonhak Undong meaning study of Sirhak. Studying Sirhak made Mun Il-pyeong open a new direction Korean modern history have to go.

The Joseon Confucian Ruling Class's Records and Visual Media of Suryukjae (Water and Land Ceremony) during the Fifteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (조선 15~17세기 수륙재(水陸齋)에 대한 유신(儒臣)의 기록과 시각 매체)

  • Jeong, Myounghee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.1
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    • pp.184-203
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    • 2020
  • The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

The Landscape Interpretation of Joseon Era Gardens in Old West Village, Seoul through the Locational Investigation (서울 서촌지역 조선조 원림의 위치추적을 통한 경관 해석)

  • Kim, Han-Bai;Lee, Seung-Hee
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.32 no.3
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    • pp.168-182
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    • 2014
  • Several Sungsi Gardens were built up in Old West Village during the period of the Joseon Dynasty. Most of them were painted as True-View landscape painting. This study aims at examining original locations of representative gardens of the Old West Village by empirical investigation of related True-View landscape paintings. It seeks to demonstrate the garden landscape in True-View landscape painting by utilizing ArcGIS, 3D topographic modeling to observe geographical locations and landscape more realistically. After forming 3D topographic modeling of estimated locations of the gardens, location of objects at composition of 3D modeling similar to True-View landscape painting was found by shifting viewpoints. And by overlapping the cadastral map on the modeling, we could verify the current lot number of the garden sites. The interpretation of processes and results are as follows. In the early stage, Chungpunggye garden was built at the very end of Mt. InWang valley. The site is hidden from the outside, and appeared as 'Enclosed Landscape'. In the middle stage, Chunghuigak garden was built between Okryu-dong valley and the surrounding ridge. It appeared as 'Semi-Opened Landscape'. In the late stage, Seowon garden was built at the highest level of the ridge among the research areas. It appeared as 'Prospective Landscape'. In the last period, Songsukwon garden, was built at a point of contact of the ridge end and surrounding residential area. So it appeared as 'Opened Landscape' to the town. In other words, the location, landscape and social function of the gardens in Old West Village had been gradually opened in Joseon Dynasty.

A study of Lee Jema as the governor of Jinhae with a focus on his official evaluations and on the Joseon Dynasty official documents of Separate Office Formal Records (各司謄錄), Ruling Management and Instruction Records (統制營啓錄), Employees Documents (外案), the Town Chronicle of Jinhae (鎭海郡邑誌), and A Roster of Local Government Officials (官蹟邑先生案) (진해현감 이제마와 그에 대한 당대의 평가에 관한 연구 - 관측(官側) 사료 『각사등록(各司謄錄)』 「통제영계록(統制營啓錄)」과 『외안(外案)』 및 『진해군읍지(鎭海郡邑誌)』 「관적읍선생안(官蹟邑先生案)」을 중심으로 -)

  • Choi, Sung-Woon;Hwang, Jihye;Ha, Donglim
    • The Journal of Korean Medical History
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    • v.33 no.1
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    • pp.79-97
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    • 2020
  • We discovered various sides of Lee Jema's tenure as the governor of Jinhae by looking at recently found historical materials of the central government of Joseon. Lee Jema went to his appointed post in Jinhae in February of 1887 and was replaced before the termination of his office in June of 1888. Since his replacement did not immediately arrive at Jinhae, Lee Jema continued to perform his duties until the first half of 1889. The difference between the date of his resignation and the arrival of his replacement reveals why various historical materials disagree about when he left office. After Lee Jema's official resignation in June of 1888, he was appointed to the honorary posts of Naegeumjang and Cheomji, which indicates the termination of his career as an official. Two superior officials conducted job assessments on Lee Jema three times during his service (once every six months) and these are the rare evaluations which were performed during his lifetime. Lee Jema was highly regarded in terms of job competency by two superiors in succession, which was unique for a local government official in the late Joseon dynasty. One of the job assessments referred to the potential of his performance as an official which usually implied that he was a suitable candidate for higher rank. This might have derived from Lee Jema's study of statecraft. Lee Jema's love for the people as an official was also mentioned in one of the job assessment reports. This is borne out by his quelling the revolt of Hamheung Province in 1896.

On the curriculum for the succession to the Korean throne - focusing on the growth process of King Jeong-jo in the late Joseon (정조의 성장과정을 통해 본 조선후기 왕위계승교육)

  • Yuk, Su-hwa
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.37
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    • pp.509-546
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    • 2009
  • Joseon was a Confucian dynasty. It was ruled by Kings of the Royal family that had secured the orthodoxy of clan rules under Confucian ideas. Royal family was the main prop of Confucian culture and Kings were leaders who leaded society and culture from the top. Therefore, Kings should complete more strict and intense education than noblemen. The Royal family and the government should have to establish prime educational environments and systems to foster successors qualified for the throne. This study focused on educational institutes and educational ceremonies. Study on educational institutes could clarify the purposes of educational institutes that were installed along the growth of throne successors and the educational courses that successors completed by each period. On the other hand, study on educational ceremonies could make it clear how were throne successors given with authority and did they internalize the duty of sense as the leader to lead next generation. In addition, by tracing the form with which politics and education had combined each other through ceremonies, it could be learned that the ceremonies of Joseon Dynasty had have a unique 'educational function'.

A Bibliographical Study on the Buddhist Scriptures Published in Temples Located in Hwanghae-do Province (황해도 사찰 간행불서의 서지적 연구)

  • Song, Il-Gie;Park, Ji-Suk
    • Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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    • v.50 no.1
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    • pp.395-416
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    • 2016
  • This study analyzes periodic phenomena on publication and characteristics of Buddhist scriptures engraved on woodblock in temples located in Hwanghae Province during the Joseon Dynasty period in bibliographic approach. There are total 85 Buddhist scriptures published in Hwanghae Province, 5 scriptures among them including Yonggamsugyeong appear to be engraved on woodblock only in temples in Hwanghae Province. They, published in 64 printings during the early days of the Joseon Dynasty, occupy 75% of total Buddhist scriptures, and are analyzed to be intensively published with the support of royal family members such as Queen Munjeong in the reign of King Myeongjong. However, as the publication displayed a sharply declining tendency in the late Joseon period after the Japanese invasion, it is understood to be identical with historical fact that the people's livelihood in Hwanghae Province closed to ruin through invasions from Japan and Manchuria. In addition, the analysis on characteristics of these Buddhist scriptures by subject indicates that over 80% of them are generally sacred books and dogmas. In fact, woodblock engraving works in temples emphasize on the duty of an engraver, and many engravers are investigated that they engraved only 2 to 3 Buddhist scriptures in temples located in Hwanghae Province. Doseong and Suyeon can be regarded as remarkable itinerant monks as they were appeared to engrave Buddhist scriptures in not only Hwanghae Province and also other regions by moving from one place to another. This study is expected to be meaningful as a paper that can be used on future studies to compare Buddhist scriptures engraved on woodblock in other regions in North Korea.

The Characteristics and Operation System of the Staff Officials at Jongbusi (Court of the Royal Clan) in the Late Joseon Period - Based on Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan (Register of Staff Officials at the Court of the Royal Clan) Kept at Jangseogak Archives (조선 후기 종부사(宗簿寺) 낭청(郎廳)의 실태 및 운영체계 - 장서각 소장 『종부사낭청선생안(宗簿寺郎廳先生案)』을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Dong-geun
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.69
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    • pp.83-114
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    • 2017
  • The purpose of this article is to analyze the standings of working-level officials belonging to Jongbusi (Court of the Royal Clan) holding the rank of "jeong" and below between the 18th and mid-19th Century. Jongbusi, which was headed by a Grade-3 official, was in charge of the compilation of royal genealogy and supervision of royal relatives. During the late Joseon Period, its officials were composed of its chief, jeong, jubu (Grade-6 official), and jikjang (Grade-7 official). By 1864, it was incorporated into Jongchinbu (Office of the Royal Relatives). Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan (Register of Staff Officials at the Court of the Royal Clan), which is preserved at the Jangseogak Archives of the Academy of Korean Studies, lists the officials who served at the office between 1794 and its incorporation into Jongchinbu in 1864. The register also includes the officials' ranks, names, DOBs, family clans, their ranks in the offices they were transferred from, their ranks in the office they were transferred to, etc. Those interested view it as a precious relic that provides valuable information on the officialdom of the dynasty. A majority of the officials who served at Jongbusi were those who passed the higher civil service examination. Many of them at the level of jikjang were those who passed the licentiate examination. Their designation as an official was part of the "muneum" system, which granted official posts to descendants of those who accomplished a distinguished service for the country or served as a high-ranking official. They were those transferred from equal or lower positions in another office. Many of jubu-level officials of Jongbusi were those transferred from honorable and important posts of other offices or local administrative offices. Many of jikjang-level officials of Jongbusi were those who previously served as dosa (assistant officials) at Uigeumbu (Bureau of Crime Investigation) headed by a Grade-1 official. The officials' transfer to an office with a lower position like Jongbusi appears to have been for the provision of placing them in working-level positions rather than letting them remain in positions only carrying an honorary title. As for the transfer of officials of Jongbusi to other offices, many of those with the rank of jeong were transferred to lower positions. Supposedly it was because not many Grade-3 positions were vacant. Many of them were transferred to honorable and important posts. Some of them were also transferred to positions at local government offices, supposedly to avoid an excess of personnel at the central government. Those at the level of jubu or jikjang of Jongbusi were transferred to equal or higher posts in other offices. Particularly, most of those holding the position of jikjang (Grade-7) were transferred to higher posts. The family clan that produced the largest number (10%) of Jongbusi officials was the Jeonju Yi Clan, which produced the largest number of those who passed the higher civil service examination. It was also found that the top 20 family clans produced about half of the entirety of Jongbusi officials. According to the aforesaid Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan, about 90% of the cases of promotion of Jongbusi officials occurred after the revision of Seonwon boryak (Royal Genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty). It is speculated that the supervision of royal family members, one of the two leading functions assigned to Jongbusi, was suspended in the late Joseon Period. The relevant function does not appear even in chronicles pertaining to the Joseon Dynasty. The reason being had something to do with the sharp decrease in the number of royal family members during the reign of King Injo (r. 1623-1649). Their number was decreased to the extent that royal ceremonies could not be adequately carried out. Naturally, the meaning of supervising royal family members faded. Witnessing such a sorry state of the royal family, Heungseon Daewongun, King Gojong's father who served as the regent, incorporated Jongbusi into Jongchinbu in an effort to enhance the status and authority of the royal family.

A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.140-170
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    • 2021
  • This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

The Culture of Appreciating Pigeons in Korean Traditional Landscape Gardens (전통 원림에 도입된 비둘기 완상 문화)

  • Kim, Seo-Lin;Sung, Jong-Sang
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.39 no.3
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    • pp.1-14
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    • 2021
  • This study attempted to examine the loving pigeon culture practiced in traditional gardens and to illuminate the aspect of pigeons as a landscape animal material. In order to understand the culture of enjoying old garden through pigeons, the contents were analyzed for the translated version of the old literatures and paintings. Pigeons have been used as Jeonseo-gu(傳書鳩) and also for medicinal purposes and food. Pigeons have various symbolic meanings such as abundance, hospitality, and longevity. From the Goryeo Dynasty to the early Joseon Dynasty, pigeons were raised in the palace and private garden. In the late Joseon Dynasty, temporary trend of ornamental pigeon culture occurred. Pigeons were synesthesia materials that enriched the forest. Various beautiful pigeons created a variable landscape of the primeval forest as a moving landscape material. The bell sounds that appear differently depending on the pigeon's movement led to a rich auditory experience of the landscape. The pigeon house was an ornamental element that enriched the old garden along with the pigeon. The owners of garden were involved in gardening through the act of buying a pigeon house and placing it in the garden or making a pigeon house themselves. In addition, the writers planted plum trees, peach trees, apricot trees, and hawthorn trees as a symbol of spring and a source of food for pigeons, and expressed them in poems and paintings. This study has a limitation in that the translation of the old text was used as an analysis data. The follow-up studies on specific cases of raising pigeons in the old garden, in modern and contemporary landscape spaces are urged.

Studies on the Spacial Compositions and the Characteristics of the Alter System at Daebodan in the Changdeok Palace (창덕궁 대보단(大報壇)의 공간구성과 단제(壇制) 특성에 관한 고찰)

  • Jung, Woo Jin;Sim, Woo Kyung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.1
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    • pp.318-345
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    • 2013
  • This study was carried out with a focus on the factor on the periodical space organization of Daebodan (大報壇: the altar of great recompense) in Changdeok Palace, which is significant in terms of political history in the late Chosun Dynasty, and consider the factors in the formation of the structural system through historical records and drawings. Daebodan has the ideology of righteousness to the Ming Dynasty which the hierarchy of the Joseon Dynasty. who felt the crisis of the domination order, imposed as a solution after the Manchu war of 1636. In addition, Daebodan was built by complex factors that entailed the self-esteem of the 'Joseon Centralism Ideology (朝鮮中華)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven that were imminent to the kings of Joseon. Superficially, Daebodan has the spatial organization of the Sajik (社稷) Altar and the placement of an annex building, but had the applied placement due to limited topography and access to the backyard. Furthermore, the lateral structure of Daebodan multiply accepted various factors of the nine step's stairs, the hight of five cheok (尺), the circumstance of two floors that were showed in the altar and platform with small fences and an imperial order including the internal form of Hwangjangbang (黃帳房). Moreover, the name of the alter came from 'the Jiaote Sheng Book of Rites(禮記 郊特牲)' representing 'the suburban sacrifice ritual for Heaven (郊天)', and it was built by not only combining the system of the Sajik Altar in the Joseon Dynasty and China but also avoiding 'excessive etiquette (僭禮).' The point is a remarkable feature shown by the structural system of Daebodan. Thus, it is considered that the 'Notion of Confucian-Cultural Succession (中華繼承意識)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven were expressed by the structure and form of altar. This study examined the process of the creation, expansion, decline and disposal of Daebodan in a chronological order, and found that the ruling ideology of the governing elite by the political and cultural background of the era at each transitional point was reflected in the spatial formation of the altar. On the other hand, as a result of performing a field survey to find the location in accordance with Daebodan in drawing materials, there remains items such as worked stones from Daebodan, precast pavers and fragments of proof tile discovered in the surrounding of tora vine (Actinidia arguta) which is a natural monument of Changdeok Palace. As such, verification through future excavation and investigation is required.