• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.47-57
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• 2000

We study on the housewives'social contribution through their household labor. By the method of literature review, we discuss about the housewives'social roles, their negative problems and the private and public efforts to solve the problems, and ultimate direction to the solutions. We find their four roles-Invisible labors In this capitalist society. consumers without any sovereignty, substitutes for incomplete social welfare system and agents to develop and sustain the social network. A few solutions which they have found out or the Korean society has devised are not enough. The utmost and ultimate solutions should include the housewives'autonomy. subjectivity and community.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.43-57
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• 1989

In the materialistic societies, individuals get money return according to the importance of their roles. But unlike wage workers who are engaged in market production , housewives engaged in home production do not get that return. It is because the result of home production is not transacted in the market and the price is not given to it, so the value of home production is not estimated. Hence this study trcognizes again the value of home production, suggests the estimation methods of it in input and output based on home production systems and attempts to actualize those methods socially. This home production develops the human attributes of family members to act as a member of a society and potentially contributes to home income and Gross National Products, so it has social and economic value. In spite of that significance, the value of home production is not estimated, so its nor recognized and housewives engaged in home production are not acknowledged their ability. Hence based on home production systems form input to output, this study suggested opportunity cost method and market cost method in input, method by saving money expenditure, hybrid method and method by comparing with market in output.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.45-68
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• 2005

The political activity of women is relatively low. This is mainly because of the social-cultural attitude that confines women's role to housewives, rather than the structural problems that are related to political activities itself. This study has attempted to enhance the political activities of women by examining and providing the practical informations related to the hardships that are experienced by women who are pursuing a career both as a politician as well as a housewife. The sample of this study consisted of women who are assuming chief executives positions in organizations that are related to political activity, including local representatives of the national assembly. A case study was conducted by interviewing 8 female politicians. The contents of the study mostly consists of the personal situations (related to house lives) of these women. Semi-structured questionnaires were used, and the interview was conducted several times. First, the political careers of these women tended to start passively, rather than voluntarily. Second, the negative attitudes that were initially displayed by the family members and close relatives had changed positively through out the course of time. Close relatives, parents/parents-in-law were likely to become helpers of child care and household labor. The husband was likely to be a supporter of the wife's political career, and the children started to understand the roles of their mother as they grew up. Third, the female politicians perceived that the main impediments of women pursuing political careers were the sexually discriminating culture, rather than their own ability. Fourth, the fact that these women had to spend a lot of time outside the house has worsened the role conflict and difficulties of these women who are required to assume dual-roles. Furthermore, the difficulties that are faced publicly and privately has increased the psychological burdens of these women, since politicians, in general, are people who need to maintain their public image.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.103-131
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• 2010

This study observes how the conjugal sharing of the roles such as breadwinning, housework/childcare, and leisure activities affects wives' marital satisfaction, and how the relationships among the considered variables are similar or different across age categories. Two dependent variables, the relationship satisfaction and the marital happiness, are measured and estimated as the concept of the marital satisfaction. Analysed is the Korean Longitudinal Survey of Women and Families 2008 collected by Korean Women's Development Institute. Among women in the ages of 30s-50s, full-time housewives with the breadwinning husbands feel happier with their marriage than the wives in dual career families, and those in dual career families are happier than the breadwinning women with the househusbands. Among the women in their 40s, the highest relationship satisfaction is reported by the those of the dual career families. Wives in their 30s prefer equal division of familywork in explaining the relationship satisfaction, while wives in the age of 40s and 50s show only the effect of reducing wives' portion. The co-spousal leisure activity is consistently significant in its positive relationship with the marital satisfaction across the age categories. There is a general tendency that the marital satisfaction is the highest in the youngest age bracket and the lowest in the oldest. For managing better marriages, individual efforts of both spouses as well as social support are required.