• Journal of Popular Narrative
• /
• v.27 no.2
• /
• pp.143-177
• /
• 2021

In the history of Korean literature, evaluations on 『Jirisan』 (Lee Byeong-ju) are bisected. Some evaluate it as a novel of authentic records which reproduces the history before and after the emancipation objectively while others say it takes advantage of anti-communistic ideology. This study analyzes that difference is resulted not from the distinction of perspectives but from cracks in the text. This is associated with the process of 『Jirisan』's publication. 『Jirisan』 was published serially in 『Sedae』 from 1972, and then, part of the manuscript was published in 1978 and the whole edition published in a series came to be republished in 1981. After that, in 1981 and 1985, part of the follow-up story was printed on the magazine, and then, with the memoirs of those two years as materials, the sixth and seventh volumes were again published through 'revision'. In other words, the publication of 『Jirisan』 is divided into that of the edition published in a series and that of the edition published in 1985 including the contents of revision. The theme of the work, 『Jirisan』 differs according to the point of its completion you may think of. This researcher pays attention to the difference of perspectives between the contents up to the fifth volume and those of the sixth and seventh volumes. Particularly, his evaluation on 'partisans' seems to have changed. In the edition published in a series, he extended 'partisans' into the independence movement in the Japanese colonial era under the Revitalizing Reforms system and adopted the representation of 'partisans' three-dimensionally whereas in the sixth and seventh volumes, he reproduced 'partisans' as beings that were the 'doctrinaire' and 'vicious' 'Reds' and had to be punished. In brief, with 『Jirisan』, he represented 'partisans' in the background of history before and after the emancipation and segmented the discourse, representation and ideology of the Cold War system, but in the process of revision, he stitched up 'partisans' as beings that were evil and losers. Consequently, with 『Jirisan』, he revealed the process of division and contention that proceeded around anti-communism/capitalism within the abyss of the 1970's to 80's and reproduced 'partisans' as beings that were either 'hostile (the Reds)' or 'unknown (losers)

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.7 no.3
• /
• pp.115-144
• /
• 2023

Under the Trump administration, the U.S. has made clear that "China is America's strategic competitor, revisionist power and a major challenge to America's prosperity and security." The Biden administration has largely inherited this perception of China. China has also responded without backing down. Therefore, the U.S.-China strategic competition has become the most important background factor in the international system and has a great impact on the security situation in Northeast Asia. Nevertheless, if you look at the recent process of establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, we can find that ROK's foreign strategy adjustment has played a key role. This is because establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan depends on improving ROK-Japan relations. And the Yoon Suk Yeol government is pushing for rapid improvement in ROK-Japan relations regardless of domestic political constraints. The trilateral summit at Camp David laid the groundwork for future cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan in security and other broader areas. China is strongly dissatisfied with the formation of trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan. However, this paper argues that although ROK agrees to form trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan, ROK's strategic objectives are not exactly the same as those of the U.S. and Japan. For example, looking back at the development of the U.S.-Japan alliance after the end of the Cold War, both the U.S. and Japan share similar views and perceptions of China's rise. The real goal of the strengthening of the U.S.-Japan alliance in recent years is also how to cope with China's rise. On the other hand, ROK's previous administrations have been negative about trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan. This is because ROK's main strategic goal is to reduce or eliminate threats from DPRK rather than respond to China. Faced with increasing DPRK's provocations and threats, more than half of South Koreans are in favor of reinforcing trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan to contain or mitigate threats from DPRK. As a result, if North Korea's nuclear and missile threats to ROK continue, then ROK's foreign strategy is likely to be to strengthen trilateral security cooperation between the U.S. and Japan to ensure its own safety and survival. If China wants to reduce the strategic pressure from the trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, the best way is to reduce DPRK's provocations and threats to ROK and play a more substantive role in getting DPRK to give up its nuclear program.

• Convergence Security Journal
• /
• v.20 no.2
• /
• pp.101-110
• /
• 2020

Since the third inter-Korean summit, the inter-Korean summit in Pyongyang and the U.S.-North Korea summit in Singapore and Hanoi, denuclearization negotiations are under way that will determine the fate of the Korean Peninsula. However, the negotiations are stalled and some skepticism is expected due to the conflicting U.S.-North Korea stance over the terms of denuclearization. The reason why it is difficult to realize the complete denuclearization of North Korea is that there are a variety of variables such as the traditional security dilemma in Northeast Asia, the hegemonic competition between the U.S. and China, and the formation of a new cold-war system. At a turning point when three inter-Korean summits and three U.S.-North Korea summits were held in the wake of the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympics, North Korea's complete denuclearization has become a must-do historical task for Northeast Asia and world peace beyond the Korean Peninsula. In this sense, the inter-Korean summit in Pyongyang is seen as a historic occasion for presenting a new milestone for the denuclearization of North Korea and the development of inter-Korean relations through the 9.19 Pyongyang Joint Declaration and the Military Agreement. Meanwhile, Constructivism, which has become the main paradigm of international political theory, presents the view that ideological variables such as ideology, history and culture define material factors, identity and interests of state actors, and that the structure of international relations can be changed through interaction. In this study, the historical meaning of the 9.19 Pyongyang Declaration, which is now past its first anniversary, was considered from a constructivist perspective. To this end, the development process of constructivism theory and analysis model and the development process of inter-Korean relations were briefly reviewed, and the military implications of the 9.19 Military Agreement were presented.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
• /
• s.8
• /
• pp.239-270
• /
• 2010

This thesis is to make an appropriate national defense policy of Republic of Korea through studying the Hegemony Strategy of United States. I searched the theory of hegemony. The hegemony was differently defined by the point of time and region. The strong power nations with the hegemony have been making efforts to maintain their hegemony everytime. I have conclusion that the presence of hegemony once emerged, it brought regional stability in place whether it is coercive or beneficial. The stability and instability of international order IS not exclusively dependent on hegemony. Even if the safety of hegemony cannot guarantee absolute stability of international order, there IS on doubt that the hegemony has enormous impact on that. According to the hegemonic theory, the history of mankind equals to the history of rising and falling hegemony. The international order was changed as the hegemony changes. The United States has been making efforts to maintain her global hegemony during the post cold-war era as well. Taking all these into consideration, relevant military strategy direction able to pursue national interest is that to make up for the relative weakness in the strategic environment. South Korea have to prepare security policy response as following. First, South Korea should build the military force equipped with advanced weapons in military technology sector and solidify military diplomatic relation able to form cooperative relation in wartime. Second, South Korea should make solid Alliance of Korea and U.S. Third, develop and maintain multilateral security cooperation of East Asia. Forth, we could realize that there are means that can neutralize opponent's strong point by seeking one or two and more asymmetry in the aspect of strategy, tactics, and means through asymmetric strategy. Than the military force of South Korea should develop into a force that is able to overcome to the traditional North Korea's threat and new type of conflicts. And the force should have sufficient strength and be deployed to effectively defend the Korean Peninsula. So, we need to establish a denial and defense system against any hostile neighboring country. Therefore, ROK military forces preparing for the future should try to construct a future military power to gradually establish enough strength for self-defense to prepare for a uncertain security environment and when the Korean Peninsula is unified in a future.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
• /
• s.40
• /
• pp.83-107
• /
• 2015

Propaganda is often accepted as the political promotion that had used mostly by the socialist states during the First and the Second World Wars and the Cold War and by Hitler who governed Germany. Therefore, cases of the study on the image and picture propaganda were mostly posters or films of the socialism period when the propaganda was active. However, today it is not easy any more to find propaganda of the clear promotion characteristic as the past. In these modern times, it has changed into metaphorical propaganda based on 'persuasion', rather than publicity like past. Therefore, it has been changing from the direct promotion of the past into the indirect persuasion; and from the raw, direct and powerful publicity and claim into the soft and metaphorical persuasion and appeal. Thus, investigating again the contemporary propaganda will be an important element in analyzing contemporary images. The animation, selected as a target of the analysis of propaganda, exists in various ways in various images of the modern times, which is not too much to say that today's society is the television society. Besides, the animation is the image that can cover all ages as men and women of all ages can watch, so it is proper for analysis of the contemporary propaganda of metaphorical, indirect and various forms.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
• /
• v.25 no.4
• /
• pp.289-319
• /
• 2019

Kim Chan-sam's 『世界一周無錢旅行記』 was released in 1962. This was a time when the general public was strongly restricted from traveling abroad. Most of the people lived in 'domestic'. Low development and political upheaval continued. The readership wanted a fantasy, which came out of a desire to escape from the peninsula. So was to become more popular around the popular characters called 'Kim Chan-sam'. Kim Chan-sam had to be a pushover to the public. This figure had to be secular and de-politicized. Above all, ideological bias had to be removed. The book's imaginary geography is the "world as a non-communist state" with a high purity. The Cold War ideology was prevalent throughout South Korean society. Kim Chan-sam knew exactly what he could and could not tell the South Korean reader. He couldn't tell you the reality of my readers not being able to travel abroad. Not to mention a society locked up 'domestic' on the Korean reality. The study analyzes Kim Chan-sam's storytelling strategy. Looking at the meaning of the travel fantasy,agenre of the 1960s, I would like to ask why travel writing in our time is still bound by its past limitations.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
• /
• v.30 no.1
• /
• pp.89-123
• /
• 1996

The world has moved from the Cold War between the east and the west and moved toward the age without idealogy. It places emphasis on economic benefit and welfare of its own nation as its main point With this world trend, in order to sam the competitiveness and the reconciliation of the divided nation the north and the south Korea should be united. Once the north and the south are united, information society will be altered with the huge flow of the civilization. At the same time, the issue of how to operate library policies and system, in which effective acquisition, manipulation, accumulation, and dissemination of information un would be very important. From this point of view, the following conclusions are obtained in this study. Firstly, when building a national library preparing for the national unification. it is essential to introduce 1) the concept of policy and system for information society and 2) that of policy and system which has national-culture as its focus. Secondly, it is essential to prepare the cooperative-structure between libraries prior to the national unification. This kind of cooperation should gradually expand to an extent that allows actual benefits such as building union catalog, inter-library loan system, resource sharing, standardized cataloging rules, and exchange of dissertation... etc. Thirdly, developing the library policies and systems for the national unification must be based on the concept of the mutual cooperation as inter-dependent model rather than on the concept of the incorporation-absorption as a dominant model. The next point the principles of the followings in preparing the library policies should be considered: 1) free-competition, 2) revolution of consciousness through the social education, 3) independence and love for humanity, 4) scientific or reasonable thinking, 5) job responsibility, 6) democratic citizenship, 7) mind far collective life, 8) spirit of public interest 9) globalization In addition, the model of the library systems preparing for thenational unification should include the followings : 1) uniformity of library system and its authority, 2) establishment of research institutes for library policy and system, 3) exchange of library establishment and information resources, 4) building library networks, 5) establishment of education systems for the library and information science and enhancement of its quality, 6) modernizing and developing information technology and its transfer. Finally, the libraries in the north and the south has different concepts, goals, information resources, and the different ways of using them. Considering the practical aspects of the libraries and the reasons for their existence, they must structure the mutual cooperative system so as to minimize the shock when confronting the social changes, so-called the national unification.

• The Journal of Korean Institute of Communications and Information Sciences
• /
• v.23 no.8
• /
• pp.2052-2063
• /
• 1998

Various full-scale radio location systems have been developed since ground-based radio navigation systems appeared during World War II, and more recently global positioning systems (GPS) have been widely used as a representative location system. In addition, radio location systems based on cellular systems are intensively being studied as cellular services become more and more popular. However, these studies have been focused mainly on macrocellular systems of which based stations are mutually synchronized. There has been no study about systems of which based stations are asynchronous. In this paper, we proposed two radio location algorithms in microcellular CDMA systems of which base stations are asychronous. The one is to estimate the position of a personal station at the center of rectangular shaped area which approximates the realistic common area. The other, as a method based on road map, is to first find candidate positions, the centers of roads pseudo-range-distant from the base station which the personal station belongs to and then is to estimate the position by monitoring the pilot signal strengths of neighboring base stations. We compare these two algorithms with three wide-spread algorithms through computer simulations and investigate interference effect on measuring pseudo ranges. The proposed algorithms require no recursive calculations and yield smaller position error than the existing algorithms because of less affection of non-line-of-signt propagation in microcellular environments.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
• /
• v.25 no.1
• /
• pp.349-392
• /
• 2019

In the 1960s of Korea, the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan led to a sense of a vigorous anxiety and fear that "Japan will once again come to the Korean peninsula". As a reaction to this, the discourse on the criticism of 'Japanese Style' strongly emerged. If the prior discourse of criticism was to express the national antipathy toward the colonial remnants that had not yet been disposed of, the critical discourse of the 1960s was the wariness of the newly created 'Japanese Style' in popular culture, and to grasp it as a symptomatic phenomenon that 'evil-minded Japan' was revealed. Thus, this new logic of criticism of the 'Japanese Style' had a qualitative difference from the existing ones. It was accompanied by a willingness to inspect and censor the 'masses' that grew up as consumers of transnational 'mass culture' that flowed and chained in the geopolitical order under the Cold War system. Therefore, the topology of 'popular things=Japanese things=consuming things' reveals the paradox of moral demands that existed within Korean society in the 1960s. This was to solidify the divisive circulation structure that caused them to avoid direct contact with the other called 'Japan', but at the same time, get as close to it as ever. It is a repetitive obsession that pushes the other to another side through the moral segregation that strictly draws a line of demarcation between oneself and the other, but on the other hand is attracted to the object and pulls it back to its side. This paper intends to listen to the different voices that have arisen in the repetitive obsession to understand the significance of the dissonance that has been repeated in the contemporary era. This will be an examination of the paradoxical object of Japan that has been repeatedly asked to build the internal control principle of Korean society, or to hide the oppressive and violent side of the power, and that can neither be accepted nor destroyed completely as part of oneself.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.27 no.4
• /
• pp.1-40
• /
• 2017

This study aims to examine the electricity/energy regime of Thailand, the largest energy-hungry country in the Mekong region. This study examined how the electricity/energy regime of Thailand has been shaped and changed up to the present, not only at the national level but also at the sub-regional level covering the Mekong region. Meanwhile, according to the Paris Agreement in 2015, which will get in to effect from 2020, developing countries as well as developed countries have been given voluntary responsibilities and reduction obligations in response to global climate change. Under the post 2020 Climate Change Regime, Thailand also needs to revise its existing electricity/energy policy. We reviewed the recent energy policy of Thailand and evaluated the possibility of transition to a sustainable energy system based on Energy Trilemma's analysis framework. And we examined the roles and impacts of the Thai civil society on the national power and energy planning as well as in the future climate change policy. As a result of the analysis, it can be seen that Thailand's electricity/energy regime has grown rapidly through the support of the West countries under the Cold War era. In particular, Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand(EGAT) played the key role in Thailand's energy policy. In addition, Thailand's geopolitical location and relatively high economic level compared to neighboring countries will continue to be of importance in the future construction of power grids in the region. Meanwhile, in the frame of Energy Trilemma, Thailand has still been vulnerable to environmental sustainability. Thai NGOs have resisted to as well as collaborated with the government to influence the existing electricity/energy policy in the various dimensions but their influence has weakened considerably since the coup in 2014. In conclusion, this study suggests to cooperate with government as well as civil society for sustainable energy transformation of Thailand and Mekong region.