• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.62 no.3
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• pp.163-191
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to explore the factors affecting the welfare needs of the rural marriage migrant females. A survey was conducted on 300 rural marriage migration females using probability sampling and for the analysis stepwise regression was used. The major findings of this study can be summarized as follows. The welfare needs of counselling on husband' behavior problem were higher in cases of worse mental health, better physical health, younger age and lower participation in the meetings with her fellow countrymen. The welfare needs on the children raising and education were relatively higher among the migrant females from Vietnam and younger age. The needs on the job skills training were lower in cases of the migrant females from Philippines, China(the Chinese) and were higher in cases of lower level of family understanding. The welfare needs on the job placement were higher among older and lower community affinity, and were lower in cases of the migrant females from Philippines. The results suggest that the welfare services should be differently provided to the migrant females in reflection of the age, education level, nationality and community resources. Further, the mental health screening test and treatment services for migrant females are needed since the welfare needs increase when the migration females have worse mental health condition.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.314-323
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to analyze the status of medical service use of foreigners living in Korea by their nationality and types of national health insurance. As of 2018, 1,058,886 people were extracted from the qualification DB, excluding people whose insurance premium is missing. The data analysis showed that nearly 78% of foreigners with national health insurance used medical services and the countries with the largest number of users were China, Vietnam, and the United States. The total cost of treatment per capita was highest in the United States regardless of hospitalization and outpatient. The number of medical treatments per person, and the medical expenses of outpatients & inpatients services were highest among the regionally-insured and the length of stay per person was highest among the workers' dependents. Lastly, it was found that Chinese and regionally-insured received much more benefits than other groups compared to the premium they pay. After July 2019, foreign nationals residing in Korea for six months or longer are obligated to enroll in the national health insurance program. Since the latest data was in 2018, the result did not properly reflect the current situation, but it is meaningful that it made basic data for future comparative analysis.

• Journal of the Society of Cosmetic Scientists of Korea
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.297-307
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• 2017

Skin properties are influenced by a variety of internal or external factors. This study was conducted to investigate and compare the skin characteristics in Asian women. We evaluated values of skin physical parameters, and then assessed the correlations among the parameters, and regional differences in 1,500 Asian subjects in seven countries (Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand, India, China, and South Korea). The values of transepidermal water loss (TEWL), pH, skin hydration, sebum content, skin sensitivity, elasticity, crow's feet wrinkles, and skin brightness were measured. New Delhi's women were observed to have a lower level of hydration in stratum corneum, sebum content, stinging scores, and darker skin color than others. Furthermore, their skin surface pH on all sites is the highest among seven countries. Vietnamese had the lowest pH values in skin surface. Korean and Chinese had generally higher elasticity and fewer wrinkles. Both the skin hydration and TEWL had positive correlations with the stinging test, and there was a negative correlation between wrinkles and stinging test. These results represent that there was no clear trend related to the area or region. Skin physical parameters should be studied along with understanding of regional differences and various factors (skin care habits, lifestyle and personal sensitivity).

• Asian-Australasian Journal of Animal Sciences
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.124-136
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• 2002

As an official journal of the Asian-Australasian Association of Animal Production Societies (AAAP), the Asian-Australasian Journal of Animal Sciences (AJAS) was born in February 1987 and the first issue (Volume 1, Number 1) was published in March 1988 under the Editorship of Professor In K. Han (Korea). By the end of 2001, a total of 84 issues in 14 volumes and 1,761 papers in 11,462 pages had been published. In addition to these 14 volumes, a special issue entitled "Recent Advances in Animal Nutrition" (April, 2000) and 3 supplements entitled "Proceedings of the 9th AAAP Animal Science Congress" (July, 2000) were also published. Publication frequency has steadily increased from 4 issues in 1988, to 6 issues in 1997 and to 12 issues in 2000. The total number of pages per volume and the number of original or review papers published also increased. Some significant milestones in the history of the AJAS include that (1) it became a Science Citation Index (SCI) journal in 1997, (2) the impact factor of the journal improved from 0.257 in 1999 to 0.446 in 2000, (3) it became a monthly journal (12 issues per volume) in 2000, (4) it adopted an English editing system in 1999, and (5) it has been covered in "Current Contents/Agriculture, Biology and Environmental Science since 2000. The AJAS is subscribed by 842 individuals or institutions. Annual subscription fees of US$ 50 (Category B) or US$ 70 (Category A) for individuals and US$ 70 (Category B) or US$ 120 (Category A) for institutions are much less than the actual production costs of US$ 130. A list of the 1,761 papers published in AJAS, listed according to subject area, may be found in the AJAS homepage (http://www.ajas.snu.ac.kr) and a very well prepared "Editorial Policy with Guide for Authors" is available in the Appendix of this paper. With regard to the submission status of manuscripts from AAAP member countries, India (235), Korea (235) and Japan (198) have submitted the most manuscripts. On the other hand, Mongolia, Nepal, and Papua New Guinea have never submitted any articles. The average time required from submission of a manuscript to printing in the AJAS has been reduced from 11 months in 1997-2000 to 7.8 months in 2001. The average rejection rate of manuscripts was 35.3%, a percentage slightly higher than most leading animal science journals. The total number of scientific papers published in the AJAS by AAAP member countries during a 14-year period (1988-2001) was 1,333 papers (75.7%) and that by non- AAAP member countries was 428 papers (24.3%). Japanese animal scientists have published the largest number of papers (397), followed by Korea (275), India (160), Bangladesh (111), Pakistan (85), Australia (71), Malaysia (59), China (53), Thailand (53), and Indonesia (34). It is regrettable that the Philippines (15), Vietnam (10), New Zealand (8), Nepal (2), Mongolia (0) and Papua New Guinea (0) have not actively participated in publishing papers in the AJAS. It is also interesting to note that the top 5 countries (Bangladesh, India, Japan, Korea and Pakistan) have published 1,028 papers in total indicating 77% of the total papers being published by AAAP animal scientists from Vol. 1 to 14 of the AJAS. The largest number of papers were published in the ruminant nutrition section (591 papers-44.3%), followed by the non-ruminant nutrition section (251 papers-18.8%), the animal reproduction section (153 papers-11.5%) and the animal breeding section (115 papers-8.6%). The largest portion of AJAS manuscripts was reviewed by Korean editors (44.3%), followed by Japanese editors (18.1%), Australian editors (6.0%) and Chinese editors (5.6%). Editors from the rest of the AAAP member countries have reviewed slightly less than 5% of the total AJAS manuscripts. It was regrettably noticed that editorial members representing Nepal (66.7%), Mongolia (50.0%), India (35.7%), Pakistan (25.0%), Papua New Guinea (25.0%), Malaysia (22.8%) and New Zealand (21.5%) have failed to return many of the manuscripts requested to be reviewed by the Editor-in-Chief. Financial records show that Korea has contributed the largest portion of production costs (68.5%), followed by Japan (17.3%), China (8.3%), and Australia (3.5%). It was found that 6 AAAP member countries have contributed less than 1% of the total production costs (Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Papua New Guinea and Thailand), and another 6 AAAP member countries (Mongolia, Nepal and Pakistan, Philippine and Vietnam) have never provided any financial contribution in the form of subscriptions, page charges or reprints. It should be pointed out that most AAAP member countries have published more papers than their financial input with the exception of Korea and China. For example, Japan has published 29.8% of the total papers published in AJAS by AAAP member countries. However, Japan has contributed only 17.3% of total income. Similar trends could also be found in the case of Australia, Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand. A total of 12 Asian young animal scientists (under 40 years of age) have been awarded the AJAS-Purina Outstanding Research Award which was initiated in 1990 with a donation of US$ 2,000-3,000 by Mr. K. Y. Kim, President of Agribrands Purina Korea Inc. In order to improve the impact factor (citation frequency) and the financial structure of the AJAS, (1) submission of more manuscripts of good quality should be encouraged, (2) subscription rate of all AAAP member countries, especially Category B member countries should be dramatically increased, (3) a page charge policy and reprint ordering system should be applied to all AAAP member countries, and (4) all AAAP countries, especially Category A member countries should share more of the financial burden (advertisement revenue or support from public or private sector).

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.95-129
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• 2017

This study surveys and reviews political change, economic performance, and regional cooperation that were carried out in 2016 by Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN. This paper reports that what has followed the inauguration of new governments in Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Laos fails to live up to the expectation and optimism that arose in the aftermath of elections and party congresses that took place in the first half of the year. In other countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, where authoritarian regimes are faced with strong oppositions, the prospects for democratic change worsened to a substantial degree, as schisms and internal strives complicated the opposition camp as a result of instigation and intervention by the authoritarian leaders and their followers. In stable political systems, both democratic and authoritarian, no significant changes that may entail serious political implications were noticed. In 2016, the national economy of almost each and every country continued its slow but steady recovery that had started in 2014 and grew by 5% on the average. For 2017 onward, however, the earlier optimism that it would grow at least as fast dimmed down as uncertainty about the world economy looms larger due to the unexpected win by Donald Trump as U.S. president and the expected 'hard landing' of the Chinese economy around 2018. ASEAN declared the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) only one day before the New Year, but its track record looked already bad and unpromising by the end of 2016. ASEAN leaders were tied up by their domestic politics and affairs too tightly to take time off to work seriously to observe the schedule as laid out in the AEC Blueprint 2025. Korea's relationship with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN was "as good as it gets" in 2016 as ever but could become subject to tough review in the near future, if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is found out to have been implicated in the ongoing Choi Sun Sil scandal and if the opposition wins the next presidential election to be held by this year.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.204-221
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• 2020

East Asian countries share a culture of perfuming clothes. The prosperity of the Maritime Silk Road and the incense trade are direct factors that have led to the development of incense culture. Perfuming clothes is a method of applying fragrance by burning incense. The Chinese could make an incense mixture with various types of incense, and records demonstrating use of perfuming clothes tools (熏籠) show that they might have perfumed clothes with incense mixtures. During the Tang dynasty, the incense trade thrived. Examples of ancient literature such as 『千金要方』, 『香譜』, 『香乘』 describe how to make incense for perfuming clothes and how to perfume clothes. 『桂海虞衡志』 and 『諸蕃志』 shows trade partners and goods. Incense was introduced to Korea alongside Buddhist culture. 『買新羅物解』 shows Silla traded incense with Japan. One of the trade goods recorded in 『買新羅物解』 is perfuming cloth incense (熏衣香), which establishes that Silla performed perfuming clothes at that time. During the Goryeo dynasty, Goryeo exported musk as well as ginseng. The royal family burned incense from the Song royal family. Noblewomen preferred sachets. The use of this dress continued into the Joseon dynasty. 『買新羅物解』 showed that Japan imported incense from Silla. 『The tale of Genji』 illustrates Heian nobles' incense culture, perfuming clothes culture, and trade of incense. Perfuming clothes tools became essential articles for marriage purposes and it developed in a practical shape. The Champa had a perfuming clothes culture. It is described on 『諸蕃志』. As Agilawood is found in Tongking, and Tongking was neighbor to the Champa and China, they might have had a perfuming clothes culture as well. Korea, China, Japan, and Vietnam shared a perfuming clothes culture. We can identify universality and commonality in the purpose of perfuming clothes, time of development, the method of making the incense mixture for perfuming clothes, the method of perfuming clothes, the tools, the gender of perfumer, and the type of herbs and spices.