• Title/Summary/Keyword: the Bronze Age

Search Result 128, Processing Time 0.027 seconds

Characterization of Korean Archaeological Artifacts by Neutron Activation Analysis (I). Multivariate Classification of Korean Ancient Coins. (중성자 방사화분석에 의한 한국산 고고학적 유물의 특성화 연구 (I). 다변량 해석법에 의한 고전 (古錢) 의 분류 연구)

  • Chul Lee;Oh Cheun Kwun;Hyung Tae Kang;Ihn Chong Lee;Nak Bae Kim
    • Journal of the Korean Chemical Society
    • /
    • v.31 no.6
    • /
    • pp.555-566
    • /
    • 1987
  • Fifty ancient Korean coins originated in Yi Dynasty have been determined for 9 elements such as Sn, Fe, As, Ag, Co, Sb, Ir, Ru and Ni by instrumental neutron activation analysis and for 3 elements such as Cu, Pb, and Zn by atomic absorption spectrometry. Bronze coins originated in early days of the dynasty contain as major constituents Cu, Pb and Sn approximately in the ratio 90 : 4 : 3, whereas, those in latter days contain in ratio 7 : 2 : 0. Brass coins which had begun in 17 century contain as major constituents Cu, Zn and Pb approximately in the ratio 7 : 1 : 1. The multivariate data have been analyzed for the relation among elemental contents through the variance-covariance matrix. The data have been further analyzed by a principal component mapping method. As the results training set of 8 class have been chosen, based on the spread of sample points in an eigen vector plot and archaeological data such as age and the office of minting. The training set and test set of samples have finally been analyzed for the assignment to certain classes or outliers through the statistical isolinear multiple component analysis (SIMCA).

  • PDF

Burqanism from the Origin of the Pastoral Nomadic Koryo Region and the Vision of Korean Livestock Farming (고려의 원시영역 유목초지, 그 부르칸(불함)이즘과 한국축산의 비전)

  • Chu Chae Hyok
    • Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
    • /
    • v.25 no.1
    • /
    • pp.71-82
    • /
    • 2005
  • Khori(高麗) refers to the Chaabog(reindeer) that live on lichens(蘚) on Mt. Soyon(鮮) in which pastures are the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia. Thus, the origin region of the Khori or Koguryo that are the ancestors of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads(馴鹿 遊牧民) can be said to be the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas of North Eurasia and North America. When the pastoral nomads moved on to the great mountain(大山) zone of the Jangbaek(長白) to the Baekdu(白頭) Mountains, they could have been in contact with pastoral farmers or agricultural farmers living there and they became the farmers remaining on agricultural farms. They were the Koryo people, the ancestors of Korea. Staying in one place, they gradually forgot the origin of their reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic history in the Northwest area of Mt. Soyon, the small mountain(小山) zone of the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas. In other words, they lost their identity as reindeer-herding pastoral nomads when they entered the agricultural area after leaving the pastoral area. However, since their basic genes had already formed when they lived on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia, it is possible to study their pastoral nomadic history focusing on 'the minority living in the broad area(廣域少數)', by utilizing highly advanced biotechnological science and focusing on genes and information technology innovation, and removing various past hindrances in research. Therefore, it is not so difficult to restore the reindeerherding pastoral nomadic history of the Koguryo(高句麗) people and secure their pastoral nomadic identity, of which the first steps have already been taken into their historical stages. The Eurasian continent and the Korean peninsula, especially the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the Korean peninsula have been closely related to each other ecologically and historically. They can never be a separate space at all. The Eurasian continent lies horizontally east to west and thus, the continent forms an isothermal zone. Also, since the time of producing their own foods, it was relatively easy for people with their technology to move to other places owing to the pastoral nomadic characteristic of mobility. Unlike the Chungyen(中原) region, western Asia and the regions covering the Siberia-Manchu-Korean peninsula where food production revolution was first made were connected to the Mongolian lichens route(蘚苔之路: Ni, ukinii jam) and steppe roads. Although the ecological conditions of nature have changed a bit throughout a long history, it was natural for the many tribes in North Asia living on the largest Steppe-Taiga-Tundra area in the world to have believed 'the legends related to animals in relation to their founders and ancestors(獸祖傳說)'. Assuming that Siberian tigers and the tigers living on Mt. Baekdu were connected ecologically and genetically because of the ecological characteristics of the animals, and their migration from plateau to plateau, we would suspect that the Chosun(朝鮮) tribe living on Mt. Baekdu were ethnically and culturally more closely connected to the farther removed Ural-Altai tribes that lived on the cold and dry plateau region than to the Han(i14;) tribe who lived in Chungyen(中原) that was close to Mt. Baekdu. More evidence is the structure of the Korean language which has the form of 'Subject + Object + Verb', which is assumed to have originated from the speedy lifestyle of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads. The structure is quite different from that of the Han(漢) language, which is based on agricultural life. Also, it is natural for reindeer riding reindeerherding pastoral nomads or horse-riding sheep-herding pastoral nomads(騎馬, 羊遊牧民) to have held military and political power over the region and eventually to have established an ancient pastoral nomadic empire in the process of their conquest of agricultural regions. The stages for founding global empires in the history of mankind maybe largely divided into two, in terms of ecological conditions and occupations. They are the steppes and the oceans. Of course, the steppe-based empires were established based on the skills to deal with horses and the ability to shoot arrows while riding horses, along with the use of iron ware in the 8th century BC. The steppe-based empires became the foundation for an oceanic empire, which could have been established by the use of warships and warship guns since the 15th Century. Based on those facts, we know that Chosun, Puyo(夫餘), and Koguryo are the products of a developmental process of pastoral nomadic empires on the steppes. Maybe we can easily find the pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo more than we expected when we trace the origins and history of the Korean tribe living in the pastures located in the northwest area of Mt. Jangbaek by focusing on pastoral nomadic mobility and organization just as we have investigated the historic origins of Anglo-Saxons in America by focusing on the times before the 15th Century. In the process, we should keep in mind that English culture originated from the Industrial Revolution and was directly delivered to the American continent, although America was far from England and was not an intermediate point on long sojourns either. Further, American culture came back to England in a more advanced form later. The most important thing currently to be resolved is to cause Koreans to look back on their own history in a freer way of thinking and with diverse, profound, and sharp insight, taking away the old and existing conventional recognition that is entangled with complicated interests with Korean people and other countries. The meanings of Chosun, Khori, and Solongos have been interpreted arbitrarily without any historic evidence by the scholars who followed conventional tradition of fixed-minded aristocrats in an agricultural society. If the Siberian cultural properties of the stone age, the earthenware age, the bronze age, and the iron age are analyzed in such a way, archaeological discovery will never be able to contribute to the restoration of the Koguryo's pastoral nomadic identity. One should transcend the errors that tend to interpret the cultural properties discovered in the pastoral nomadic regions as not being differentiated from those of agricultural regions and just interpret them altogether from the agricultural point of view. A more careful intention is required in the interpretation of cultural properties of ancient Korean empires that seem to have been formed due to mutual interactions of pastoral nomadic and agricultural cultures. Also, it is required that the conventional recognition chain of 'reverse-genes' be severed, which has placed more weight on agricultural properties than pastoral nomadic ones, since their settlement on agricultural farms was made after the establishment of their ancient pastoral nomadic empires. There is no reason at all to place priority on stoneware, earthenware, bronze ware, and iron ware than on wooden ware(木器) and other ware which were made of animal skins(皮器), bones and horns(骨角器), in analyzing the history in the regions of reindeer or sheep pastures. Reading ancient Korean history from the perspective of pastoral nomadic history, one feels strongly the instinctive emotions to return to the natural 'mother place'. The reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo people that has been accumulated in volumes in their genes and hidden deep inside and have interacted organically could be reborn with Burqanism(Burqan refers to 不咸 in Chinese), which was their religion by birth and symbolized as the red willow(紅柳=不咸). The mother place of the Koguryo's people is the endless vast green pastures of North Eurasia and North America, where we anticipated the development of Korean livestock farming following the inherent properties in the genes of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads with Korean ancestors. We anticipate that the place would be the core resource that could contribute to the development of life of living creatures following the inherent properties of their genes and biotechnological factors. In other words, biotechnology used for a search for clues on the well-being of humans could be the fruit brought by Burqanism of the Koguryo people and the fruit of the globalization of Korean livestock farming. It is the Chosun farmer in China come from the vast nomadic reindeer pastures of North Eurasia that resolved the food problem of a billion Chinese people with lowland paddy rice seeds (水稻) by transforming Heilongjiang Province(黑龍江省) into an oceanic lowland paddy rice field(水田). Even Mao Tse-tung(毛擇東) could not resolve the food problem by his revolution campaigns for tens of years. Today is the very time that requires the development of special livestock farming following the inherent properties of the ancient Korean reindeer-herding pastoral nomads that respected the dignity of life on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the America continent. I suggest that research should be started from the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe in East Mongolia that was the homeland of Hanwoo(韓牛) and the central horse-herding steppe place(牧馬場) of Chingis Khan's Mongolia. The Dariganga Steppe is awash with an affluent natural environment for pastoral nomadic living however, the quality of life of the pastoral nomads there is still low. I suggest we Koreans, the descendents of the Koguryo, should take our first steps for our livestock farming business project and develop the Northern nomadic pastures, here at the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe, which is the Mongolian core place of state-of-the-art technology for military weapons.

A study in the Datuotou Culture (대타두문화에 대한 일고찰)

  • Bock Gi-Dae
    • KOMUNHWA
    • /
    • no.61
    • /
    • pp.45-65
    • /
    • 2003
  • The Datuotou culture is a bronze age culture in the Jing and Jin region dating from the twenty-second century to the fifteenth century B.C. As an independent culture, it succeeded the last Neolithic tradition of the region and absorbed the neighboring loc

  • PDF

The Establishment and Development of Wooden Coffin Tombs in the Jinhan and Byeonhan Confederacies: An Examination of the Wolseong-dong Type (진·변한 목관묘 문화의 성립과 전개 -월성동 유형의 검토와 함께)

  • Lee Donggwan
    • Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
    • /
    • v.1
    • /
    • pp.150-173
    • /
    • 2024
  • The Gyeongsang region experienced an epoch-making social transformation approximately around the second to first century BCE, including the replacement of Bronze Age types of tombs (such as dolmens, stone cist tombs, and earthen tombs with flat capstones) with clusters of wooden coffin tombs and the emergence of wajil pottery (soft stoneware) and ironware. These shifts in the archaeological material evidence have been discussed in the context of the formation of the states that comprised the three Han confederacies and in relation to wooden coffin tombs built in later periods. This paper explicates the appearance of clustered wooden coffin tombs with accompanying ironware by categorizing them. In particular, it examines the emergence of wooden coffin tombs by creating the Wolseong-dong type, which differs from Tomb No. 5 in Joyang-dong and Tomb No. 1 in Daho-ri with their deep burial pits and large quantities of prestige goods and soft stoneware items. The Wolseong-dong type of tomb commonly features ironware, including flat-bladed iron axes, oblong cast iron axes, iron wire, iron chisels, and iron swords; a small slender, rectangular wooden coffin tomb with a shallow burial pit of less than sixty centimeters; and pottery of a type preceding soft stoneware, such as long-necked jars, triangular attached-rim pottery bowls and pots, and mounted vessels. There are also a few bronzeware items found in them, but no prestige goods. This study scrutinizes tombs in Tamni-ri in Uiseong, Hagu-ri in Gyeongju, and Hakjeongdong in Daegu by comparing them with the Wolseong-dong type, and it confirms that in Sinseodong in Daegu, Wolseong-dong type tombs and later Joyang-dong type tombs have separate spatial distributions within the site. This also indicates that the Wolseong-dong type is a valid categorization among wooden coffin tombs. Although the rise of the Wolseong-dong type tomb is associated with the migration of a group, I reserve judgement on whether its origins should be understood in the context of the iron culture in the southwestern region of South Korea that was sparked by King Jun's advance to the south or if they lie in the western region of North Korea. Either way, the Wolseong-dong type is thought to be the tombs of a group of people with lower hierarchical status than the occupants of the later Joyang-dong type.

A Comparative Study of the House Spirit Belief between the Tungus and Korea (한민족과 퉁구스민족의 가신신앙 비교 연구)

  • Kim, In
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.37
    • /
    • pp.243-266
    • /
    • 2004
  • This paper is based on fieldwork conducted from July 6, 2003 to July 24 of 2003 among the Tungusgroups Hezhe, Daur, Oloqun, Owenke, and Mongolian in the areas of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia Provinces. Recognizing the need for more in-depth study among these groups, the present research shows that the Tungus people are archeologically, historically, and linguistically different from Korean Han ethnic group and challenges the link between Korean and Tungus groups since the Bronze Age. The comparison between the "House Spirit" belief of the Tungus people and Koreans reveals certain commonalities in the "Maru," "Kitchen," and "Samshin Spirit" practices. There are two possible reasons for such commonalities. Historically, the Korean Han ethnic group and the Tungus people were geographically intimate, and contact or transmission between the two groups occurred naturally. Also, immigration of refugees from the fallen Koguryo and Puyo to the Tungus region added another dimension of cultural contact. In contrast to the common features shared between the two groups, there also exists differences between the two groups House Spirit blief. The Korean Han group's "House Spirit" belief is based on the agricultural practices that separates the inside sacred and outside secular world of the houses, whereas the Tungus ethnic group's "House Spirit" belief is based on mobile herding life style with a less distinction between in and outside of house. Additionally, each Korean "House Spirit" has its own distinctive personality, and each spirit is placed and worshipped according to its function. In the Tungus group, all the "House Spirits" are located and worshipped in "malu," and some of the spirits are non-conventional house spirits. Moreover, Korean "House Spirits" form a kinship structure, placing Songju, the highest spirit, at the center. In the Tungus practice, such structure is not found. The tight cohesive family formation among the house spirits in the Korean "House Spirit" belief is also the most distinctive feature in its comparison with Chinese belief. In China, the highest spirit is Jiang Taigong or Qiwu, and the house spirits do not have kinship relations. Korean's Outhouse Spirit and Chowangshin are related to the Han Chinese's counterpart on certain levels? however, their basic structures are different. It is clear that the correlation of "Malu" "Chowangshin" and "Samshin" between Korea and Tungus indicate important role of Tungus cultural elements within Korea's "House Spirit" belief.

Physicochemical Characteristics of Silky Fowl(Gallus domesticus var. silkies) (백봉오골계육의 이화학적 특성)

  • Cho, Chae-Min;Park, Chung-Kil;Lee, Min-Young;Lew, In-Deok
    • Food Science of Animal Resources
    • /
    • v.26 no.3
    • /
    • pp.306-314
    • /
    • 2006
  • In this study, the anatomic characteristics and the contents of nutritional ingredients and minerals of silky fowl and yeonsan ogolgye was investigated. Silky fowl is covered with white silky feather. There is a pinch of vertical white tassel on peak of the head, especially a silky fowl cock. The crown of a silky fowl has a nickname of phoenix crown, the crown of a cock is mostly like a rose, while that of a hen like strawberry or mulberry. The ear of silky fowl is mostly peacock green(Light blue turquoise), bronze for a small part. Peacock green is most common for Silky Fowl with a age of $60{\sim}150$ days, over the age of 150 days, the peacock green will be gradually replaced by purplish red. Beaks are leaden blue, short and stout while the face is smooth and fine. The lower jaw of silky fowl has comparatively long tiny hair, similar to beard. The two legs of silky fowl are covered with a handful of feather, or known as 'Putting on trousers'. Each leg of silky fowl has five talons. The whole skin, eyes, mouth, talons of silky fowl are grey black The bone and marrow of silky fowl are light black the periosteum is black. The whole meat, internal organs and abdominal fat of sillry fowl aye black the heart and leg meat are light black. Silky fowl meat had lower moisture and lipids content, but higher Ash and protein content than meats of yeosan ogolgye and general chickens. For mineral contents of leg muscle and breast muscle, silky fowl had higher contents of phosphorus (P), iron (Fe), potassium (K), zinc (Zn) than those of yeonsan ogolgye, while yeonsan ogolgye had higher contents of calcium (Ca) than that of silky fowl. The contents of iron (Fe) and zinc (Zn) is higher in leg muscle than in breast muscle for the silky fowl and yeonsan ogolgye. Leg muscle of silky fowl contains a lot of iron (Fe), about 4 times as much as that of leg muscle of yeonsan ogolgye. For the silky fowl and the yeonsan ogolgye, leg muscles contains a lot of zinc (Zn), about 5 times, 4 times respectively as much as that of breast muscle.

A Study on the Creation and Use of Nokgakseong and Underwater Wooden Fence (조선시대 녹각성과 수중목책의 조성 및 활용에 관한 연구)

  • SHIM Sunhui;KIM Choongsik
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.56 no.4
    • /
    • pp.230-246
    • /
    • 2023
  • The wooden fence(木柵), which began to appear in the Bronze Age and is presumed to be the oldest defense facility in human history, was used as a fortress for the purpose of further strengthening military defense functions until after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 in the Joseon Dynasty(壬辰倭亂). As it was established as the concept of a fortress or a fence installed outside a fence castle(城柵) or barracks fence(營柵), its importance as an essential facility for defense was further highlighted. This study is the result of exploring wooden fence that were used as official facilities during the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on literature surveys such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty』 and 『New Jeungdonggukyeojiseungram』 In this study, in particular, the conclusion of this study is as follows, focusing on the use and function of Nokgakseong(鹿角城), underwater wooden fence, installation methods, and materials of wooden fences, is as follows. The conclusions of this study, which focused on the materials of the wooden fence, are as follows. First, as invasions by foreign enemies became more frequent in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty, wooden fences played a major role as a major out-of-castle defense facility((防禦施設). In addition, wooden fences were modified and installed into various types such as wooden fences(木柵城), Nokgakseong, a fence made up of large branches in the shape of a deer antler, and underwater wooden fences(水中木柵) according to the circumstances of the times, government policy, and location environment. Second, wooden fences were installed in strategic locations in defense facilities for military purposes, such as mountain fortress(山城), fortresses(營), camps(鎭), forts(堡), and castles(邑城) in strategic locations, and were used for defense in case of emergency. According to the urgency of farming, it was installed in accordance with the non-farming season, when it is easy to mobilize manpower to avoid the busy farming season. The size of the wooden fence of the Joseon Dynasty, which are confirmed through literature records, was converted into Pobaekchuk(布帛尺), and the circumference was very diverse from 4,428chuk(2,066m) to 55chuk(25m). Third, Nokgakseong is an efficient combat support facility that is more aggressive than a general wooden fence, and the records of Nokgakseong in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty appeared during the King Sejong period the record was 20 times, the most. By region, it was found that it was mainly installed in coastal rugged areas such as Pyeongan and Hamgildo(12), which are the 6-jin areas of the 4th Army. Fourth, in the early 15th century, as the royal court established a maritime defense strategy for the coastal area of the southern coast, after the Sampo Invasion(三浦倭亂), riots by Japanese settlers in Sampo in 1510, major military posts including eupseong(邑城), camps, and forts were established. The installation of underwater barriers around various government facilities rapidly increased as a defense facility to block the warships of Japanese pirates around various government facilities. Fifth, between the 15th and 17th centuries before and after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in Sampo, underwater fences were installed in the Southern coast and Ganghwa Island. In particular, in the 15th century, underwater fences were intensively installed in coastal areas of Gyeongsangnam-do, such as Jepo. Pine trees and Oaks are the main materials used for underwater fences, but other materials such as Oldham's meliosma, Loose-flower hornbeam and The vines of arrowroots were also used as materials for wooden fences.

Excavation of Kim Jeong-gi and Korean Archeology (창산 김정기의 유적조사와 한국고고학)

  • Lee, Ju-heun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.50 no.4
    • /
    • pp.4-19
    • /
    • 2017
  • Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.