• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.35-67
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• 2017

This paper examines the petition to the king of Doam(陶菴) Leejae(李縡), one of the key figures of 18th century. He wrote a total of 49 he petition to the king, mostly resignation petition to the king. He emphasized the genuine feelings and emphasized the accurate persuasion logic when he was writing a petition to the king. It is not contradictory to these elements, looking at his actual situation he wrote. He wrote the resignation petition to the king three times to resign Daejehak (大提學), he changed his persuasion logic in each of the resignation petition to the king. We can look at the aspect of transforming persuasion logic on the same topic. His resignation petition to the king, for the first time, was particularly well structured in terms of composition, and used a proper accent method. His resignation petition to the king has the beautiful literary art of gomun(古文), such as the expression of the so-called munjongjasoon(文從字順) and the composition of paragraph organically corresponding. The best work of his resignation petition to the king is Maneonso(萬言疏). The contents criticized Yeongjo(英祖)'s tangpyeongchaek(蕩平策) while evaluating Sinimoksa(辛壬獄事). It consists of a total of 5,300 letters. This work repeatedly used the irony, the method of seolui(設疑), and the incremental method to criticize the tangpyeongchaek(蕩平策), and put Yeongjo(英祖)'s position to the corner. This work is an example of other the resignation petition to the king.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.36-59
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• 2021

This study infers the origin and production period of the , which is in the Onyang folk museum, through analysis and interpretation of the Haeju Palgyeong and exploration of the landscapes and traditions contained in the painting. The first collection of landscapes to Haeju was identified as Haeju Palgyeong by Ku Sa-meng (1531-1604). Yoo Man-ju, writing in 1782, referred to it as Go-palgyeong in 『Heumyeong』 while Haeju Palgyeong was defined as Geum-palgyeong (今八景), which is the Haeju Palgyeong in the earliest period confirmed by literature. is 'Boating on the Nam river (南江泛舟)', 'Lotus viewing at Buyongdang (芙蓉賞蓮)', 'Foot washing at Gwangseokcheon (廣石濯足)', 'Seokbyul at Haeunkyo (泣川送客)', 'Fishing at Haeunjeong (東亭釣魚)' and 'Sea view at Namsan( 南山望海)', and the final two contain a picture that contains 'Viewing the moon at Yeonghaeru (瀛海玩月)' and 'Writing contest and Archery at Baeklimjeong (栢林觀德)' The Suyang Chaemi(首陽採薇), Shingwang-jeoljeol (神光霽雪), and Jiseong falls (池城瀑布) of Gopalgyeong, which were excluded from Haeju Palgyeong, are all landscapes unfolding as a grand site of Suyangsan Mountain. is a result of the reorganization of Seunggyeong centered on Eupchi (邑治), away from the Suyangsan area. It has emerged as a seunggyeong of Haeju. The elaborateness of trying to contain the detailed prizes representing Haeju, such as the specialty sake of Haeju, is revealed. Most of the landscapes depicted in are historic and outstanding spots in Haemok, but the scenes of life related to daily life are properly arranged. In addition, Foot washing (濯足), Fishing(釣魚), Doing laundry (漂母), Lotus viewing (賞蓮), Sending guests (送客), Drinking (飮酒), sea viewing (望海), Moon viewing (玩月), Archery (射藝), Poetry (詩作), Drinking tea (飮茶), and Dancing (歌舞) are of various styles. Compared with the Gopalgyeongs, Haeju Palgyeong did not take into account the distribution of landscapes in the four seasons, and the small-sized view was also broken. When considering the time of the construction of Haeunjeong and the deterioration of Yeonghhoeru, it is believed that was produced in the early- to mid-18th century. is considered to be a painting that contributed to strengthening the sense of intimacy with the local people and promoting the pride of Haeju by showing the representative scenery of Haeju, such as scenic spots and customs, away from the ideal utopia.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.93-120
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to explore the source of appealing which Gusadang Kim Nakhaeng's writing for ancestral rites is equipped with. Gusadang was one of the Confucianists in Yeongnam during the 18th century and was praised for his scholarly virtue of jihaenghapil and silcheongunghaeng. Although Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites and his teacher Milam Lee Jaeui's letters were even specially named as 'gujemilchal', there has been almost no research on Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites yet. Therefore, this study selects three pieces of Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites which are especially rich in emotional expression for discussion. Chapter 2 titled as 'the Reconstruction of Memory in a Microscopic Perspective' presents the reason why Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites is recognized even as a piece of work equipped with appealing. Writing for ancestral rites begins from the point that there exists memory that can be shared by both the living and the dead. In reconstructing the anecdote with the dead on the stage of ritual writing in detail, the writer's memory plays an important role. Chapter 3 titled as 'the Rhetorical Reconstruction of Elevated Sensitivity' examines rhetorical devices needed for writing for ancestral rites. Proper rhetoric is needed to upgrade the dignity of the ritual writing and arouse sympathy from the readers. Although writing for ancestral rites is supposed to express sadness in terms of its formal characteristics, it should not end up being a mere outlet of emotion. Chapter 4 looks into 'the Descriptive Reconstruction of Lamenting Sentiment'. There should be a clear focus of description to make the gesture of the living towards the being not existing in the world any longer an appealing story. While maintaining a distinct way of description, Gusadang organizes the noble character of the dead, pitiable death, the precious bond in the past, and the longing of those left for the dead systematically. Writing for ancestral rites is a field to mourn over the death and reproduce the sadness of the living through writing. To make the text written in that way get to work as ritual writing properly, it should be appealing necessarily. This study has found the fact that such appealing that gives life to ritual writing is grounded on authenticity.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.61-70
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• 2019

The painting group of Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasty is an era of confusion between the orthodox who faithfully cooperated with the Qing Dynasty and the individualist who had a hostile attitude. The country was ruined by these dynasties, and the family left the real world with the suffering of the breakdown and stayed in the mountains.Paldaesanin and Seokdo, the representative Yumin painters, did not form any a sect as a unique expression style for finding a true self.And, through his work, he expressed on madness and oddity through new ideas and composition that he feels misery and anger in his heart. The paintings of these paintings had semi-normative and impromptuous views of nature, which even the self burdened with grief was forgotten.And I expressed my own individuality and originality by forming a simple and free, on madness and oddity art aesthetic. The paintings of these paintings had semi-normative and impromptuous views of nature, which even the self burdened with grief was forgotten.And I expressed my own individuality and originality by forming a simple and free, on madness and oddity art aesthetic. Paldaesanin portrayed a strange figure with a spirit of resistance and a sad and angered emotion, through a unique technique of painting.The content is cynical, satirical, ironic, and on madness and oddity. On the other hand, Seokdo explained "ilhoeg" that the method of writing and the method of writing in "Hwaeolog" agree with each other.This has allowed us to achieve autonomy as a "rule without rules" that goes beyond the existing rules. And he delicately portrayed beauty, desire, and emotion with the use of sensuous brushes and the beauty of the colors.Their unique paintings were later conveyed to yangjupalgoe and led to the flow of paintings in the 18th century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.226-245
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• 2019

Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng (Large Buddhist Painting), designated as Treasure No. 1259, was painted in 1766 and featured Yeorae (Buddha) at the center in the style of a single figure. It is the longest existing buddhist painting and was created by Duhun, a painter who was representative of 18th century Korean artists. His other remaining work is Seokgayeorae Gwaebultaeng (1767) in Tongdosa Temple. Considering their same iconography, they are assumed to have used the same underdrawing. Duhun had a superb ability to maintain a consistent underdrawing, while most painters changed theirs within a year. The Beopjusa painting carries significance because it was not only painted earlier than the one in Tongdosa, but also indicates possible relevance to the royal family through its records. Beopjusa Temple is also the site of Seonhuigung Wondang, a shrine housing the spirit tablet of Lady Yi Youngbin, also known as Lady Seonhui. Having been built only a year before Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng was painted, it served as a basis for the presumption that it has a connection to the royal family. In particular, a group of unmarried women is noticeable in the record of Beopjusa painting. The names of some people, including Ms. Lee, born in the year of Gyengjin, are recorded on the Bonginsa Temple Building, the construction of which Lady Yi Youngbin and Princess Hwawan donated money to. In this regard, they are probably court ladies related to Lady Yi Youngbin. The connection of Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng with the royal family is also verified by a prayer at the bottom of the painting, reading "JusangJusamJeonhaSumanse (主上主三殿下壽萬歲, May the king live forever)." While looking into the historical characteristics of this art, this study took an approach based on scientific analysis. Damages to Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng include: bending, folding, wrinkles, stains due to moisture, pigment spalling, point-shaped pigment spalling, and pigment penetration to the lining paper at the back. According to the results of an analysis of the painting pigments, white lead was used as a white pigment, while an ink stick and indigo were used for black. For red, cinnabar and minium were used independently or were combined. For purple, organic pigments seem to have been used. For yellow, white lead and gamboge were mixed, or gamboge was painted over white lead, and gold foil was adopted for storage. As a green pigment, atacamite or a mixture of atacamite and malachite was used. Azurite and smalt were used separately or together as blue pigments.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.69-81
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• 2014

Herman $F{\ddot{u}}rst\;P{\ddot{u}}ckler-Muskau$ is one of important figures in German landscape architecture who designed both Muskau Park and Branitz Park and published garden book Andeutungen ${\ddot{u}}ber$ Landschaftgartenerei (Hints on Landscape Gardening) in 1834. He was a German nobleman who governed Muskau estates while working as both a writer and a landscape gardener. German landscape gardening was grounded on Romanticism, which was represented in diverse ways such as the reconciliation between man and nature, the liberation of reason, and the pursuit of liberty. The intellectuals came to have an interest on landscape gardening since the garden carried the cultural connotation such as the idealized epitome of nature. This study is to investigate how his idea of landscape gardening had been developed through his personal life and social background and to find out his landscape gardening theory and its unique gardening techniques. Finally, the inventive aspect of his garden theory and contemporary significances in practices were discussed. $P{\ddot{u}}cklers^{\prime}$ personal experience and social background provide us to understand the idea of garden. First, there was a mixture between reality and fantasy in his garden theory. It was due to the influence of Romanticism and literary garden. Second, his gardening mentality and technique were influenced by the late 18th century English garden practices, which emphasized the expressive aspects. Third, $P{\ddot{u}}cklers^{\prime}$ inner disposition and personal experience were represented in his garden design. Fourth, the intention of creating landscape garden for the local people might be a self realization of his contradictory characters between falling nobleman and liberal social leader. The significant value of $P{\ddot{u}}ckler^{\prime}s$ garden idea might be closely related in the dual nature of humanistic garden tradition and garden practice for social agenda. Therefore, his garden idea pursued of the comprehensive landscape strategies toward ideal communities and ethical spirits while concerning ecological, social, economic sustainable development of the region. Furthermore, his landscape gardening aims at the total landscape encompassing garden to region as well as the Gesamtkunst combing the beautiful with the useful. $P{\ddot{u}}ckler^{\prime}s$ holistic attitude gives us fresh insights and new directions to contemporary landscape theory and practice.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.36-48
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• 2015

This study aims to contemplated the enjoying culture of Gyeonghwasejok's garden in late Joseon dynasty. It was track down the behavior from cultural perspective by using recorded in literature. The results were as follows. First, Gyeonghwasejok was the main principal of the garden at Hanyang in Joseon Dynasty. There are established residence in the downtown and make a garden. Garden organizer recognized to fine conditions of residences even crowded downtown. As a result people tried to include habitation and garden culture for preserve their cultural benefit. Secondly, Seongsisanrim culture has appeared of common in site selection of garden for occupies the scenic beauty. Garden was surrounded by scenic beauty. Garden organizer was formed archival culture for owning the beautiful landscape through creation of guguk(九曲), designation of space and lettering on rocks. Thirdly, Formation of the collection culture was placed of various ornaments inside garden. A behaviour of landscape view and ornaments appreciation led to the archival culture such as Won-rim-gi(園林記) and essay(小品文). Moreover, hold a friendship meeting for sharing garden culture. Fourthly, Attention of flowering plants was extended to development of gardening hobby such as fashion of pot-planting, planted to exotic tree. It was know that the plants are recognized as favorite elements by target of appreciation according to introduction of plants inside garden. In addition, facility of horticulture and kitchen garden were placed inside garden. Fifth, Influx of chinese garden culture influenced construction of garden space in late Joseon dynasty. Garden organizer recognizes garden as a ideal space by garden aesthetics that Hojungcheonji(壺中天地). And the imitation of Chinese garden culture such as collecting of Chinese's ornaments has become a high-level culture.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.52-64
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• 2015

This research traced the characteristics of the semantic landscape, construction intent, landscape composition, and geomantic conditions of the area subject to the research based on the research methods of 'field investigation, document studies, and interviews,' centering around the entire area of Gokseong Hamheo-pavilion (Jeonnam Tangible Cultural Assets No. 160). The result of the research, specifically revealing the forms and methods by which the reciprocal view of nature and landscape composition appearing in the landscape of the entire area of Hamheo-pavilion, as part of the analysis and interpretation over the view-based construction characteristics and position of the entire area of Gokseong Hamheo-pavilion, can be summarized as follows. First, Hamheo-pavilion is a pavilion built as a resting area and as a venue for educational activities in 1543 in the nearby areas after Gwang-hyeon Sim founded Gunjichon-jeongsa for educational activities and dwelling purposes at Gunchon at the 30th year of King Jungjong. Gunchon, where Hamheo-pavilion and Gunjichon-jeongsa is located, exhibits the typical form having water in the front, facing Sunja-river(present Seomjin-river), and a mountain in the back side. Dongak-mountain, which is a guardian mountain, is in a snail-type form where cows leisurely ruminate and lie on the riverside, and the Hamheo-pavilion area is said to be an area bordering on one's way of enjoying peace and richness as it is a place with plentiful grass bushes available for cows to ruminate and lie down while sheppards may leisurely play their flutes at the riverside. The back hill of Hamheo-pavilion is a blood vessel that enters the water into the underwater palace of the turtle, and the building sitting on the turtle's back is Hamheo-pavilion, and the Guam-jodae(龜巖釣臺) and lava on the southern side below the cliff can be interpreted to be the underwater fairly land wanted by the turtle.6) Second, Hamheo-pavilion is the scenery viewpoint of Sungang-Cheongpung (3rd Scenery) and Seolsan-Nakjo(雪山落照, 9th Scenery) among the eight sceneries of Gokseong, while also the scenery viewpoint of Hamheo-Sunja(2nd Scenery) and Cheonma-Gwiam(天馬歸岩, 3rd Scenery) among the eight sceneries of Ipmyeon. On the other hand, the pavilion is reproduced through the aesthetics of bends through sensible penetration and transcendental landscape viewed based on the Confucian-topos and ethics as the four bends among the five bends of Sunja-river arranged in the 'Santaegeuk(山太極) and Sutaeguek(水太極, formation of the yin-yang symbol by the mountain and water)' form, which is alike the connection of yin and yang. In particular, when based on the description over Mujinjeong (3rd Bend), Hoyeonjeong(4th Bend), andHapgangjeong(2nd Bend) among the five bends of Sunja-river in the records of Bibyeonsainbangan-jido(duringthe 18th century) and Okgwahyeonji(1788), the scenery of the five bends of Sunja-river allow to glimpse into its reputation as an attraction-type connected scenery in the latter period of the Joseon era, instead of only being perceived of its place identity embracing the fairyland world by crossing in and out of the world of this world and nirvana. Third, Hamheo-pavilion, which exhibits exquisite aesthetics of vacancy, is where the 'forest landscape composed of old big trees such as oak trees, oriental oak trees, and pine trees,' 'rock landscape such as Guam-jodae, lava, and layered rocks' and 'cultural landscape of Gunchon village' is spread close by. In the middle, it has a mountain scenery composed of Sunja-river, Masan-peak, and Gori-peak, and it is a place where the scenery by Gori-peak, Masan-peak, Mudeung-mountain, and Seol-mountain is spread and open in $180^{\circ}$ from the east to west. Mangseo-jae, the sarangchae (men's room)of Gunjichon-jeongsa, means a 'house observing Seoseok-mountain,' which has realized the diverse view-oriented intent, such as by allowing to look up Seol-mountain or Mudeung-mountain, which are back mountains behind the front mountain, through landscape configuration. Fourth, the private home, place for educational activities, pavilion, memorial room, and graveyard of Gunji-village, where the existence and ideal is connected, is a semantic connected scenery relating to the life cycle of the gentry linking 'formation - abundance - transcendence - regression.' In particular, based on the fact that the descriptions over reciprocal views of nature regarding an easy and comfortable life and appreciations for a picturesque scene of the areas nearby Sunja-river composes most of the poetic phrases relating to Hamheo-pavilion, it can be known that Hamheo-pavilion is expressed as the key to the idea of 'understanding how to be satisfied while maintaining one's positon with a comfortable mind' and 'returning to nature,' while also being expressed of its pedantic character as a place for reclusion for training one's mind and training others through metaphysical semantic scenery.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.46-57
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• 2014

This study contemplated the gardening culture from the pictures, which the scholars of late Joseon Dynasty, the aspects of garden landscapes and garden use behaviors are drawn as follows. 1. The yard by the detached house for men and guest in front of the premises(Sarang Madang) and backyard were the major places for Ahoi(social gatherings of the scholars). The mansions had interests in the management of the outer garden beyond the house wall with building structures like the pavilions on the high walls and side gates. This management and the selection of location anticipating in advance of the management are noteworthy. 2. Only house gardens had plant pots with flowers and the small flower bed(Hwa-O) at Sarang Madang occasionally had plant pots without flowers and oddly shaped stone pots and equipped pine branch eaves and traditional awnings made of plant material like a trellis. 3. The oddly shaped stones were significant landscape elements in the gardens of houses and villas. Some of them were depicted as the Taihu stone and this draws attention to the question of whether the Taihu stone was actually used in the garden of late Joseon Dynasty. 4. The gardens in villas accommodated the borrowed scenery with various materials like wooden fences, bamboo or reed fences, mud walls. They also had the artificial gardens with some odd shaped stones, old pines, bamboos, Japanese apricots, willows, paulownia trees, lotuses and plantains in the secured Madangs. 5. Gyeong Hwa Sa Jog(The scholars of the ruling class adapted to the 18th century's new historical aspect) of late Joseon Dynasty built the villas at the beautiful scenery closed to the their houses. 6. The Gardens around pavilions were located high closed to the mountain streams with nature like beautiful forests, oddly formed rocks, precipitous cliffs and viewing stones. The back side of the pavilion was enclosed by bamboo forests and the front had pines, ginkgoes and willows as shade trees. 7. The beautiful scenery which was preferred as the place for Ahoi was basically with fantastic peaks and precipitous cliffs which forms the distant view harmonized with a waterfall. Broad and flat rocks at the summit of a mountain which commands a bird's-eye view or on a mountain streamside with pine forest, willows and plum trees were chosen as the optimal places for Ahoi. 8. Pine trees were presumed to be more preferable than other species in the garden, especially an single planted old pine tree accented symbolism. 9. Portable tea braziers for boiling tea were adopted in all four types of the gardens. 10. The gardens mixed with auspicious landscape elements were the places of the arts for an unworldliness Ahoi through GeumGiSeoHwa(enjoying strings, go, writing and painting) and boiling tea.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.161-199
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• 2018

The contents and method of education of all Korean scholars are similar to the contents and method of education provided by Zhu Xi(朱熹), but they operated in a somewhat different way according to schools. Those who served as the first directors of Donam Seowon were Kim Gip(金集, 1574~1656), Song Joon-gil(宋浚吉, 1606~1672) and Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607~1689), who were the writers of Kim Jang-saeng(金長生, 1548~1631). Donam Seowon is supposed to have weakened the status of scholarship and the activities of lectures as HwaYang Seowon and Seoksil Seowon, which principals were all the Noron(老論) scholars, grew to be the center of education institution of the Noron. Donam Seowon have not preserved the school regulations. But the way of operating system of Donam Seowon can be guessed through the letter of Song Joon-gil, who was the headmaster of the late 17th century on the whole operation of Donam Seowon. From this letter, it is assumed that the school of Donam Seowon is similar to the 'Unbyoung-Jungsa regulations' written by Lee Yi(李珥). The headmasters of Donam Seowon was the Noron scholars. And scholars of the Kim Chang-hyeop(金昌協, 1651~1708) school became headmasters more than the scholars of Kwon Sang-ha(權尙夏, 1641~1721) school. Headmasters of the Donam Seowon had served as the headmasters of HwaYang Seowon and Seoksil Seowon also. In the early days of the establishment of the Donam Seowon, the lecture activities conducted in Donam Seowon were preceded by the textbooks of Kim Jang-saeng/Song Si-yeol's teaching curriculum and neo-confucian books[i.e Sohak (小學)${\rightarrow}$Family Ritual(家禮)${\rightarrow}$Simkyong(心經)${\rightarrow}$Keunsarok(近思錄). It is assumed that the scholars of Seoksil Seowon, who was a Noron Nak-ron(洛論) scholars, gradually adopted Lee Yi's teaching curriculum[i.e, Sohak(小學)${\rightarrow}$Sasoe(四書)${\rightarrow}$Okyoung(五經)]. This lecture contents and procedure was contents and procedure of the Seoksil Seowon, established and operated by the scholars of the Kim Chang-hyeop school. Entrance qualification of Donam Seowon's did not place importance on the social status, but on scholarship and personality. The examination for a high-ranking government official was not allowed. Although the principle, students had to participate in the lecture and study(講學), they were living in Seowon, while the financial and operating of the Seowon became increasingly difficult, the students were changed to participate in the conference(講會) held twice a month while studying at their homes.