• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.149-180
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• 2023

This article explores religious responses to significant cultural and social change in a northern Vietnamese delta village from 1996 to 2008-the second decade after de-collectivization. Drawing upon extensive fieldwork in both the village and surrounding religious networks, the article teases out the meanings of the new religious movements for northern rural people in the new era of market economy; the symbols, language, and metaphoric resources people used in response to their uncertainty and mistrust of the new social landscape; and the unintended consequences of rapid societal development such as marginalization, tensions, and social disintegration. The article argues that as in milleniarism elsewhere, new religious movements in northern rural Vietnam embody unorthodox syncretism between world religious and local traditions, thus linking past, present, and future. However, when drawing upon a common reservoir of memories and experiences to cope with risks and challenges of the new market world, local people not only drew on the power and imperial metaphor of deities in their traditional religion and belief, but became more creative to recuperate meanings, standards, and symbols from revolutionary discourse to reorient themselves, and overcome alienation and marginalization.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.41-59
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• 2022

Caodaism is a new religion from Vietnam which began in late 1925 and spread rapidly across the French colony of Indochina. With a broad syncretic aim, the new faith sought to revivify Vietnamese religious traditions whilst also incorporating religious, literary, and spiritist influences from France. Like Catholicism, Caodaism kept a strong focus on its monotheistic nature and today Caodaists are eager to label their religion a monotheism. It will be argued here, however, that the syncretic nature of this new faith complicates this claim to a significant degree. To make this argument, we will consider here the nature of God in Caodaism through two central texts from two important stages in the life of the religion. The first is the canonized Compilation of Divine Messages which collects a range of spirit messages from God and some other divine voices. These were received in the early years of the faith. The second is a collection of sermons from 1948/9 that takes Caodaist believers on a tour of heaven, and which is entitled The Divine Path to Eternal Life. It will be shown that in the first text, God speaks in the mode of a fully omnipotent and omniscient supreme being. In the second text, however, we are given a view of paradise that is much more akin to the court of a Jade Emperor within an East Asian milieu. In these realms, the personalities of other beings and redemptive mechanisms claim much of our attention, and seem to be a competing center of power to that of God. Furthermore, God's consort, the Divine Mother, takes on a range of sacred creative prerogatives that do something similar. Additionally, cadres of celestial administrators; buddhas, immortals, and saints help with the operation of a cosmos which spins on with guidance from its own laws. These laws form sacred mechanisms, such as cycles of reincarnation and judgement. These operate not in the purview of God, but as part of the very nature of the cosmos itself. In this context, the dualistic, polytheistic, and even automatic nature of Caodaism's cosmos will be considered in terms of the way in which they complicate this religion's monotheistic claims. To conclude, this article seeks to demonstrate the precise relevance of the term 'monotheism' for this religion.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.7 no.4 s.17
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• pp.131-150
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• 1998

Main theme of this study is the acceptance phase of western architectural culture in modern east-north asia through a series of actual survey and typological analysis of existing church buildings in modern Korea. China. Japan. For this study, 126 modern church buildings of Korea, China, Japan are selected. Also, main subject of this study has deal with the side of culture - thought which background of christianity acceptance and acceptance mind of acceptance main-body, culture adaptation and transformation based on characteristic culturalization of Korea, China, Japan. Especially, I would consistently tried to see the acceptance phase of western architectural culture according to differential acceptance mind of acceptance main-body based on characteristic culturalization of three countries. Conclusively, in the point of view of western architectural culture acceptance phase, it could be said that Korean church architecture had characterized as a blending phase of the two eclectic architectural culture. And in the case of china, as a coexistance phase of the two architectural culture with more western style-oriented. On the other hand, Japanese church architecture had characterized as a syncretism phase of the both traditional and western architectural culture, though it is eclectic style-oriented. Therefore, it is thought that different acceptance mind of western culture had main factors caused of differential acceptance phase, when the two architectural culture, the traditional and the western, encounters.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.24_2
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• pp.165-196
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• 2015

This research starts based on the purpose to investigate the evolution and nature of 48 divinity depends on Gu-Cheon-EungWon-Nweh-Seong-Bo-Hwa-Cheon-Jon(九天應元雷聲普化天尊, Highest ruling Entity and Majesty of Heaven by lightning and thunder raising and ruling all the universe which response to the Supreme) as well as to look at the iconography of that. Ogchugyeong(玉樞經) still exercise enormous influence on Korean folk belief neither in the late Joseon Dynasty and the Japanese colonial period nor till now. The reason for authority of Ogchugyeong(玉樞經) is because Ogchugyeong(玉樞經) was the sutras of being used in the original royal families 48 divinity depends on Gu-Cheon-Eung-Won-Nweh-Seong-Bo-Hwa-Cheon-Jon which appears in Ogchugyeong(玉樞經) is created in Korea. 48 divinity is finally approved at 1888, after it started from 41 at the beginning of the deity general theory(神將論) through developing 47. The figure of 48 seems the result of the syncretism with 48 wishes of Buddhism. Okuchugyong was originally China Taoist scripture, but Okuchugyong entered Korea and reproduced a different look. In China Okuchugyong has two volumes and 44 stature of the deity general(神將) but in Korea Okuchugyong changed to have three volumes and 48 stature.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.20
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• pp.67-94
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• 2009

Kang Jeung-san whose real name is Kang Il-soon was a Korean born thinker who thought himself as Shangti(上帝). It is told that he made a Great Tour(大巡) upon this world. His thought was affected by Asian traditional philosophy such as Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism. He founded a religious body, called Jeung-san-Gyo which could be formed a syncretism of East Asian traditional thoughts. We have to survey Asian traditional thoughts in order to understand Kang Jeung-san's religious thinking. According to the Great Tour Scripture(大巡典經), he have read Confucian moral books, holy Sutra of Buddha and the books of Daoism. In the field of Confucianism, he stressed upon the Book of Changes (Zou-yi; 周易). And for Buddhism, he showed great concern on a monk, Jin-mook(震黙) who lived 15th century in Chosun Dynasty. Jeung-san Shangti followed Daoistic way when he performed religious ritual. In case of performance, he was compared as a great Shaman who wanted to save the world. And the most typical ritual was called public business of Heaven and Earth(天地公事). He showed a great scale while he was touring the world in space. The most important thing, however, is to overcome the localization which seems still prevailing doctrine of the Jeung-san thought. For this, the followers of Jeung-san-Gyo should study world philosophy and accept the modernity so as to broaden Jeung-san thought to the rest of the world.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.3176-3182
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• 2014

In the early 1920s Japan, a new concept of architecture emerged abruptly. Comprised of six new college graduates, Japanese Secessionist Architects, so called Bunriha Kenchikukai, proclaimed that they reject any historical baggage that Japan had so far inherited, and decided to build a brand new way for modern Japanese architecture. Their modernism differed from eclectic measurement done by earlier generations. For them, contemporary modern Japanese architecture was only copious to historic monuments of Western civilization. Bunriha architects' statement not only advocates an escape from nationalist historicism and Westernization, but also intends to resolve the dilemma in that it substitutes a technical syncretism inherent in all avant-garde movements. This paper intends to elucidate that Japanese Secessionist architecture is greatly indebted to German Expressionist architecture in terms of its formal language and avant-garde utopian idealism.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.181-216
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• 2008

This thesis is based on two points in Min-yisheng's idea: 1, knowing, consciousness, and differentiation of mind, according to which 2, Zheng-jidou's dividually observe to the same and different points of liangzhi and consciousness. Min-yisheng and the scholar on Yangming Theory named Zheng-jidou are arguing about the rights and wrongs of the Yangming Theory, the key concept of which is the same and different points of liangzhi and consciousness. At the extension of this argument, Min-yisheng also argues with Jin-chagnxie about the same and different points of knowing and consciousness. When argue with Zheng-jidou about Yangming Theory, Min-yisheng disproves the saying of "mind is principle" and "syncretism of consciousness and behavior" as well as defines liangzhi, which is the key concept of Yangming Theory, as a consciousness different from the natural principle. While disputing with Zheng-jidou about the relation between liangzhi and consciousness, Min-yisheng begins to pay attention to the relation between knowing and consciousness focused in the academy at that time. And as a result of that he also has a dispute with Jin-chagnxie about the same and different points of knowing and consciousness. The dispute between Min-yisheng and Jin-chagnxie is actually about how to look at the relation of knowing and consciousness, from the point of "non-mixed" or the point of "inseparable". Jin-chagnxie emphasizes on the un-mixed of knowing and consciousness while Min-yisheng, from the point of "inseparable", sees the consistency of the two. This thesis focuses on the argumentation of "the same and different points of liangzhi and consciousness" and "the same and different points of knowing and consciousness", the difference of the two positions and the historical meaning of this argument in ideologies.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.238-259
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• 2021

Gameunsa Temple is a Buddhist temple from the mid-Silla period. Construction began during the reign of King Munmu and was completed during the second year of King Sinmun's reign (682). This study is based on the results of excavations at the Gameunsa Temple site, exploring the findings presented in the literature in the field of history. This study also investigates the characteristics of the construction plan of Gameunsa Temple and its correlation with the political, social, and religious environment of the time. The results of the study are as follows: (1) First, it is confirmed that all of the buildings in the central block of Gameunsa Temple, such as the pagoda and corridor, the central gate, and the auditorium, fit within 216 cheoks by 216 cheoks (Goguryeo unit of measurement, estimated dimensions 353.30 mm), in terms of the base structure. This fact is highly significant considering the intent of the King in the mid-Silla period to advocate Confucian political ideals at the Donghaegu sites (Daewangam, Igyeondae Pavilion, and Gameunsa Temple), as confirmed by the relationship between the 'Manpasikjeok legend' and the Confucianism of the etiquette and the music; the relationship between the name of the 'Igyeondae Pavilion' and the 'I Ching'; and the relationship between the 'Taegeuk stones excavated from the Gameunsa Temple site' and the 'I Ching.' Additionally, it may be presumed that the number in the "Qian 216" on the Xici shang of 'I Ching' was used as a basis for determining the size of the central block in the early stages of the design of Gameunsa Temple. The layout of the halls and pagodas of Gameunsa Temple was planned to be within a 216-cheok-by-216-cheok area, from the edge to the center, i.e., on the central axis of the temple, in the following order: the central gate and auditorium, the north-south position of Geumdang Hall, the south corridor, the east-west buildings of the auditorium and the winged corridor, the east-west corridor, and the central position of the east-west stone pagoda. (2) Second, the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism in the architecture of Gameunsa Temple is based on the understanding of the Golden Light Sutra, originating from the aspirations of King Munmu to obtain the immeasurable merits (陰陽調和時不越序 日月星宿不失常度 風雨隨時無諸災横) and the light of the Buddha, which is metaphorically represented by the sun and the moon illuminating the whole world of Silla, a new nation with a Confucian political ideology, for a long time by "circumambulating the Buddha (旋繞)". It is also presumed that Gyeongheung, who was appointed by King Munmu to be the Guksa in his will and appointed as the Gukro after the enthronement of King Sinmun, was deeply involved in the conception and realization of the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism.