• 국제지역연구
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.93-119
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• 2018

2004년부터 2013년까지 계속된 중국의 자동차 소비자 보호 정책 수립과정에서 소비자, 제조 업체, 판매 대리상, 수리업체 사이에 이익 표출과 이익집약이 반영되었다. 특히 중국소비자협회의 노력과 수정 안건 제시로 분산된 소비자들의 이익이 표출되는데 성공했다. 그리고 판매 업체들은 중국 자동차 유통협회를 통해 자동차 제조업체에 책임을 추궁할 수 있는 권리를 최종 규정에 넣었다. 마지막으로 자동차 업체들의 적극적인 이익 표출로 인해 정책 수립이 지연되기도 하고 소비자들에게 이익이 되는 정책을 촉진시키기도 하였다. 따라서 중국의 자동차 소비자 보호 정책 수립과정을 통해 본 중국의 국가-사회관계는 단순히 국가조합주의로 환원시키기에는 한계가 있고, 사회조합주의와 같은 상향식 이익 표출과 정책수정 활동 역시 중요하다는 것을 알 수 있다.

• 한국경제지리학회지
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• 제14권2호
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• pp.192-210
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• 2011

이 글은 박정희 정권의 노통통제전략에 대해 분석한다. 구체적으로, (i) "어떤 노동통제방식이었는가?" 그리고 (ii) "왜 노동통제전략이 변화되었는가?"가 분석대상이다. 분석 결과에 의하면, 박정희의 노동통제전략은 1960년대의'유사 국가 조합주의적 혼합전략’에서 1970년대의'시장기제적 억압전략'으로 진화하였다. 전자가 전국수준에서 통합되고 중앙집권화된 산별체제를 통한 노동통제에 기초하여 시장기제적 억압전략을 부차적으로 구사한 노동전략이라면, 후자는 시장기제적 억압전략에 기초하여 부분적으로 국가에 의해 매수된 한국노총 지도부를 이용한 억압전략이었다. 1970년대 초, 박정희 정권의 노동전략 변화는 (i) 거시적으로 정치경제적 불안정 증후들이 나타나고, 그리고 (ii) 미시적으로'유사 국가조합주의적' 억압전략이 한계를 보였기 때문이다.

• Annals of Occupational and Environmental Medicine
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• 제35권
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• pp.10.1-10.10
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• 2023

The purpose of this paper was to review the problems relating to Korea's occupational health services and suggest ways to improve them. Korea can be classified as a welfare state type of conservative corporatism partially interwoven with liberalism. While experiencing compressed economic growth, the economic sectors of developed (excess areas) and developing (deficient areas) countries are interwoven. Therefore, it is necessary to perfect conservative corporatism along with a complementary reinforcement of liberal contents and to apply a multilayered approach focusing on complementing the deficient areas. It is essential to form a national representative indicator related to occupational health, and a strategy for selection and concentration is needed. The proposed central indicator is the occupational health coverage rate (OHCR), which is the number of workers who have applied for mandatory occupational health services under the Occupational Safety and Health Act in the numerator with the total working population in the denominator. This paper proposes ways to raise the OHCR, which is currently at the level of 25%-40%, to 70%-80%, which is the level of Japan, Germany, and France. To achieve this target, it is necessary to focus on small businesses and vulnerable workers. This is an area of market failure and requires the active input of community-oriented public resources. For access to larger workplaces, the marketability of services should be strengthened and personal intervention using digital health resources should be actively attempted. Taking a national perspective, work environment improvement committees with tripartite (labor, management, and government) participation for improvement of the working environment need to be established at the center and in the regions. Through this, prevention funds linked to industrial accident compensation and prevention could be used efficiently. A national chemical substance management system must be established to monitor the health of workers and the general public.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국사회복지학회 2004년도 심포지엄 한국 사회안전망의 현황과 대책
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• pp.3-50
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• 2004

${\cdot}$ Recent social policy and labour markets debates in Europe, responding to the difficulties faced by the traditional neo-Keynesian welfare state settlement, stress the value of positive investment alongside de-regulation and greater flexibility as a way of achieving both economic and social goals. ${\cdot}$ Patterns of policy reform are complex and reflect differing national circumstances. A general move towards deregulation, constraints on entitlement to passive benefits, programmes to enhance employment, particularly among high-risk groups such as single parents and young people, targeted subsidies for low earners and casemanagement may be identified. ${\cdot}$ In relation to investment in education, research and development and combined training and benefit programmes to enhance mobility between jobs the picture is less clear. Education standards continue to rise, but research and development spending stagnates and few countries have developed substantial ‘flexi-curity’ programmes to support job mobility. ${\cdot}$ The labour market tradition in much of Europe has been one of conflict between labour and employers. As labour grows weaker, new approaches develop. These tend to stress productivity agreements and greater flexibility in work practices within firms and reforms to passive social security systems more broadly, but movement to support the more challenging investment and flexi-curity policies is slow. ${\cdot}$ In general, social and labour market policies in Europe stress deregulation and negative activation more strongly than social investment and ‘flexi-curity’. The countries with high growth and employment achieve that goal by different routes: Sweden has a closely integrated social democratic corporatism with high spending on benefits and training programmes and the UK a more liberal market-oriented system, with lower spending, highly targeted benefits and less mobility support. ${\cdot}$ Europe has something to learn from Korea in achieving high investment in human capital and R and D, while Korea may have something to learn from Europe in social investment, particularly flexi-curity and equal opportunity policies.