• 제목/요약/키워드: social expenditures

검색결과 126건 처리시간 0.025초

Blood Malignancies in Mazandaran Province of Iran

  • Tahmasby, Bahram;Marnani, Ahmad Barati;Maleki, Mohammadreza;Barouni, Mohsen;Mousavi, Seyyed Hamid;Naseriyan, Behjat;Nazarnezhad, Mirzaali;Alizadeh, Ali;Sabermahani, Asma
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • 제14권2호
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    • pp.1053-1056
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    • 2013
  • Background: Leukemia and lymphoma demonstrate significantly incidence rates throughout the world and particularly in Iran they cause serious mortality and diagnosis and treatment expenditures for both families and the health system. Combined they account for about 11 percent of cancers in Mazandaran province, ranking number 2 in prevalent cancers. The purpose of this study was to provide a first general and specific description of leukemia and lymphoma in Mazandaran province. Materials and Methods: In this descriptive retrospective study, entire patient's data were reviewed which had confirmed diagnosis of leukemia and lymphoma with valid laboratory or pathology reports in the period 2001-2008. The data were collected by Babol health research site related to Tehran University of Medical Science. Incidence rates based on age groups, gender, city of residence and type of malignancy were calculated and analyzed. Results: In Mazandaran province, 1,146 cases of leukemia and lymphoma were encountered, 5.9 in 100,000 persons on average annually. The highest incidence rates were obtained at age of 70 or above (26.4) and the lowest at age of 0-9 (2.3).The incidence rates in males and females were 7.1 and 4.8 respectively with a ratio of 1.5. The highest incidence rate was in Babol (7.3) and the lowest was calculated in Neka and Tonekabon equally (1.5). According to the type of malignancy, non Hodgkin lymphoma, with 2.5/100,000 have the most incidence rate and myeloid leukemia with 1.8 had the lowest. Conclusions: The obtained findings indicate clear differences in incidence rates based on age, gender, residence, and type of malignancy. Therefore it's suggested that in addition to promote data collecting programs, research projects should be programmed to define leukemia and lymphoma risk factors in this province.

퍼지근사추론을 이용한 교량 서비스 수준 산정에 관한 연구 (A Study on Evaluating the Level of Service for Bridges using Fuzzy Approximate Reasoning)

  • 조병완;김헌;김장욱;지세영
    • 한국산학기술학회논문지
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    • 제18권8호
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    • pp.8-17
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    • 2017
  • 교량 및 터널 등과 같은 사회기반시설물은 국가경제발전을 위한 중요한 요소 중 하나로 갑작스런 교량 붕괴 등이 발생할 경우 사회적, 경제적으로 많은 손실과 인명 피해의 대형사고로 이어질 수 있어 이용자의 안전을 보장하고 일정 수준 이상의 성능을 유지를 위한 예산의 확보, 유지관리 소요예산의 특정시기 집중방지를 위하여 효율적인 유지관리기법의 적용이 요구된다. 이에 시설물 노후화에 따른 유지관리 비용이 약 40% 차지하는 등 유지관리 예산의 비용이 급격하게 증가하는 것을 경험한 선진국에서는 한정된 유지관리 예산에서 적정수준의 시설물 서비스 수준(Level of Service) 유지, 효율적인 예산운영, 합리적인 의사결정 지원을 할 수 있는 자산관리체계 도입을 위하여 많은 노력을 하고 있다. 특히, 자산관리체계에서의 서비스수준(Level of Service, LOS)은 관리자가 관리목표 설정을 하고, 최적의 예산투입을 위한 우선순위를 의사결정 할 수 있는 중요한 요소이다. 이에 본 논문에서는 교량이 이용자에게 제공하는 서비스 수준을 평가하기 위하여 퍼지이론을 이용하여 새로운 서비스 수준 평가 방법을 제시하고, 실제 교량에 서비스수준 평가 모형을 적용하여 검증하였다.

노인복지예산의 결정요인에 관한 연구 - 전라북도 시·군 자치단체를 중심으로 - (The Study on the Determinant - Factors of the Budget for the Aged Welfare - Focused with the Local Governments of Cities & Counties in Jeollabukdo -)

  • 김성수
    • 한국노년학
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    • 제28권4호
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    • pp.907-923
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    • 2008
  • 본 연구는 고령화시대를 맞이하여 노인복지 예산에 영향을 미치는 요인을 분석하는데 목적을 두고 있다. 이를 위해 전라북도를 사례로 선정하고 각종 통계자료를 비교 분석하였다. 분석결과, 군의 경우에는 사회경제적 요인인 노인인구비율과 인구규모가, 정치행정적 요인인 공무원의 수가 정의 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 그리고 점증적 요인은 시 군 모두 통계적으로 유의하지 않은 것으로 나타났으며, 재정적 요인은 군의 경우, 1인당 세출예산액이 부의 영향을 나타냈다. 종합적인 분석에서 도의 경우에는 정치행정적 요인이, 군의 경우는 재정적 요인이 정의 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 이를 토대로 노인복지예산 확충을 위한 정책적 시사점을 도출하면 첫째, 노인복지예산의 혁신적인 확충이 이루어져야 하며, 더불어 노인복지예산은 중앙정부나 광역지방자치단체의 의존도가 높으므로 지역간 복지수준의 불균형을 해소하기 위해서 보조금의 지원이 유지되어야 한다. 둘째, 지역적 특성을 고려하여 노인인구의 비율이 높은 군의 경우에는 노인복지의 행정수요를 반영한 예산이 확충되어야 한다. 끝으로, 군지역은 노인문제에 민감하게 대응하는 것으로 추정할 수 있어 공무원의 수가 노인복지예산에 영향을 미친다는 점을 인식해야 한다.

아시아의 우주개발과 우주법 (Space Development and Law in Asia)

  • 조홍제
    • 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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    • 제28권2호
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    • pp.349-384
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    • 2013
  • 1957년 스푸트니크 1호 발사 이후 세계는 우주활동에 대한 국제적 규범의 필요성을 인식하였으며, 유엔은 우주의 평화적 이용위원회를 설립하여 이러한 문제들을 검토하여 왔다. 1960년대는 미소가 군사적 우주활동을 중심으로 하여왔으나, 최근에는 민간의 우주활동들도 상당히 증가되고 있다. 특히, 우주활동으로 인한 사회적, 경제적 혜택은 더욱 가시화됨에 따라, 각국은 우주 활동에 대한 민간 지출을 계속 증가 시키고 있다. 거의 모든 새로운 우주활동에 참여하는 국가들은 사회 및 경제 개발을 지원하기 위해 우주기반 활동에 더욱 중점을 두고 있다. 위성 항법 및 지상관측과 같은 우주활동들은 기존의 민간 우주 프로그램의 핵심이다. 이와 더불어 달 탐사는 중국, 러시아, 인도, 일본 등 우주력이 있는 국가들에게 우선순위가 되어가고 있다. 최근 위성 및 지상 장비를 제조하는 회사들은 상당한 성장을 하고 있다. 중국은 2012년 2월 25일 자체 개발한 지구항법 위성시스템을 위한 열한 번째 위성을 성공적으로 발사하였다. 중국은 1986년에 중국 만리장성 산업주식회사에 부여된 우주활동으로부터 발전하기 시작했다. 중국 항천공사는 1993년 중국의 국가우주국의 설립에 이어, 창설되었다. 일본의 민간우주활동은 1960년에 창설된 국가우주활동위원회에 의해 이루어졌다. 대부분의 활동은 동경대학, 국립항공 우주 연구소 항공과학연구소 및 국립 우주 개발 기구에 의해 수행 되었다. 2003년에 이 모든 활동들은 일본 우주항공개발연구기구(JAXA)로 통합되었다. 일본은 군사적인 우주개발에 대한 제한을 완화하였다. 2012년 6월 일본은 우주기본법을 수정하여 JAXA을 포함한 일본의 우주 정책과 예산을 통제할 수 있는 권한과 조직을 개편하였다. 과거 문화체육부에 소속되어 있던 우주 프로그램의 개발에 대한 책임을 수상직할로 변경하였다. 그리고 JAXA를 규율하던 우주기본법 제4조의 "평화적인 목적으로만 사용" 한다는 조항을 삭제함으로써 비공격적인 군사적 우주활동을 할 수 있게 되었다. 이로써 동아시아의 긴장이 증대되는 시점에서 국가방위를 강화하기 위한 목적에서 우주를 이용하기 위한 가능성을 열어놓았다. 이러한 점에서 아시아의 상업적 우주활동을 발전시키기 위한 협력적 기구 창설이 필요하다.

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주거빈곤기간이 청소년의 주관적 행복감에 미치는 영향 (The effects of housing poverty on adolescents' subjective well-being)

  • 임세희;김선숙
    • 한국아동복지학
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    • 제56호
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    • pp.133-164
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    • 2016
  • 본 연구는 아동기의 주거빈곤기간이 청소년의 주관적 행복감에 어떻게 영향을 미치는지 확인하고자 한다. 특히 기존연구를 통해 청소년의 주관적 행복감의 주요 영향요인으로 알려져 있는 가족관계나 또래관계, 그리고 학교적응이 주거빈곤기간과 청소년의 행복감 사이를 매개하는지 살펴보고자 한다. 이를 통해 아동 청소년이 행복한 사회가 되기 위한 사회적 노력의 일환으로써 주거복지정책은 어떠한 방향으로 수립되어야 하는지 기초자료를 제공하고자 한다. 이를 위하여 한국복지패널 제1,4,7차년도 자료를 이용하였으며, 7차년도 아동부가조사에 최종 조사 완료한 512명의 고등학교 연령대 청소년을 대상으로 하였다. 분석을 위하여 구조방정식 모형을 사용하였으며, 주거빈곤기간은 최저주거기준미달기간과 주거비과부담기간을 통해 측정하였다. 매개변수로 사용한 가족관계는 부모의 교육참여, 부모의 지도 감독, 가족갈등을 통해 측정하였으며, 학교적응은 학교환경과 학교유대감, 그리고 또래관계는 친구애착과 친한 친구의 또래애착으로 측정하였다. 종속 변수는 청소년의 주관적 행복감 척도를 통해 측정하였으며, 청소년의 성별과 가구소득의 영향을 통제하였다. 분석 결과, 최저주거기준미달 기간이 길수록 가족관계와 청소년의 주관적 행복감에 부정적 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 최저주거기준미달로 인한 부정적 가족관계는 청소년의 학교 적응과 또래관계에도 영향을 미쳐 청소년의 주관적 행복감에 부정적 영향을 주고 있었다. 주거비과부담기간의 경우 주거비과부담기간이 길어질수록 아동의 주관적 행복감이 직접적으로 부정적 영향을 받았다. 요컨대 최저주거기준미달기간의 경우 가족관계를 통한 간접적 효과가 있는 반면에 주거비과부담기간의 경우 아동의 주관적 행복감에 직접적으로 부정적 효과가 확인되었다. 주거빈곤기간이 길수록 아동권리보장의 최종상태라 할 수 있는 주관적 행복감에 부정적이라는 본 연구결과는 아동 청소년 가구의 주거빈곤문제를 감소시키기 위한 사회적 노력을 요구하고 있다.

한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로- (The lesson From Korean War)

  • 윤일영
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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