• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.91-107
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• 2024

This study attempted to empirically verify the possibility of K-content for Chinese people who have recently slowed down due to restriction of movement and political and diplomatic conflicts, although it is a very meaningful market for Korea's content industry and tourism industry. As a result of the study, each item of K-content experience, national image, tourism attitude, and visit intention was derived as one factor, and only the national image factor was derived as two factors: 'functional image' and 'cultural image'. As a result of examining the influence relationship between them established based on previous studies focusing on the derived factors, all five research hypotheses were adopted. K-content experience was found to have a significant influence on both factors of the national image. It was found that it had a greater influence on cultural image factors than functional image factors, cultural image factors were found to have a greater influence on tourism attitudes, K-content experiences had a significant effect on tourism attitudes, and tourism attitudes had a significant effect on visit intentions. Based on the results of this study, it was once again confirmed that the national image even comtually bees an important factor for linking to practical tourism behavior, and in this respect, "culture" is an important key factor that can lead to practical tourism and visits. Previous national images indicate that if the functional aspect of the country was more emphasized, it is now necessary to focus more on the importance of culture than on the functional aspect. As the K-content experience has a significant effect on tourism attitude, it can have a positive effect on the formation of a positive tourism attitude that can lead to actual tourism behavior, so various efforts will be needed to form an active tourism attitude using K-content in the future. As the content and target scope of K-content are expanded and diversified, specific strategies for each sub-market using cultural contents in various fields should be established and implemented.

• Journal of the Korea Organic Resources Recycling Association
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.27-39
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• 2009

The main objective of this study is to investigate the characteristics of combustion by analyzing fuel gases from a combustion equipment with various combustion conditions for refuse-derived fuels (RDFs). CO gas is a parameter for indicating of incomplete combustion during a combustion process. The lowest CO gas was produced when the experiment conditions were m=2 under air-fuel condition and $800^{\circ}C$. $CO_2$ gas is a final product after complete combustions. The highest amount of $CO_2$ gas was produced when the experiment conditions were m=2 under air-fuel condition and $800^{\circ}C$. The highest level of $SO_2$ gas was produced in S.1 sample containing the highest sulfur. The highest level of NOx gas was produced in S.1 sample with the highest nitrogen content and air-fuel condition of m=2 under temperature of $800^{\circ}C$. HCl gas that is generated by reacting with metals catalyst through oxygen catalyst reaction during combustion process is a precursor of dioxin formation. The higher level of HCl gas was produced in the sample with higher chlorine content. The lowest level of HCl gas was produced when the experiment conditions were air-fuel condition of m=2 and $800^{\circ}C$. The lowest level of $NH_3$ gas was generated when the experiment condition was m=2 under air-fuel condition and after 3 minutes. Air-fuel condition is more important to create $NH_3$ gas than operating temperatures. Higher level of $H_2S$ gas was generated in S.1 sample with the higher sulfur content and was created in RDFs that contain higher mixture ratios of sewage sludge and food wastes. A result of combustion, gases and gases levels from the combustion of S.1 and S.2 were very similar to the combustion of a stone coal. As results of this research, when evaluating the feasibility of the RDFs, the RDFs could be used as auxiliary and main fuels.

• Journal of the Korea Organic Resources Recycling Association
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.27-38
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• 2009

To investigate the feasibility of refuse derived fuels (RDFs) combined of sewage sludge and combustible wastes such as substitutive fuels instead of a stone coal, several different RDFs made with different mixtures of sewage sludge and combustible wastes were analyzed by various experiments. The combustion characteristics for the RDFs were investigated by analyzing fuel gases, and heating values were also measured by a bomb calorimeter. The fundamental properties such as moisture contents, ratios of combustible materials, amounts of ashes, heavy metals, ratios of each chemical elements and heating values were analyzed in accordance with mixing ratios of wt(%) for researching the characteristics of the RDFs. $RDF_{k-1}$ was made of mixing materials which were dried sewage sludge, food wastes and combustible wastes. $RDF_{k-2}$ was made of mixing materials which were peat-moss, tar and sewage sludge. Combustion experiments were carried out at the optimal conditions which were m=2 under air-fuel condition and $850^{\circ}C$. The retention times in the combustor were set at 5, 10 and 15minutes. 50 g of RDFs was put in the combustor for each experiments. The ranges for heating values of $RDF_{k-1}$ with different mixing ratios were from 6,900 kcal/kg to 8120 kcal/kg. The ranges for heating values of $RDF_{k-2}$ with different mixing ratios were from 4,014 kcal/kg to 8,050 kcal/kg. As a result of this study, the heating values, moisture contents, components of chemical elements and mixing ratios of the materials in RDFs had big effects on the efficiency of the combustion. In $RDF_{k-1}$, the higher amounts of combustible wastes in the mixtures, the higher heating values, concentrations of $C_xH_y$ and amounts of ashes were produced. In $RDF_{k-2}$, the higher tar amounts in the mixtures caused the higher heating values, amounts of ashes, concentrations of CO gas and CxHy.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.14 no.1 s.41
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• pp.89-105
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• 2005

The central aim of this thesis is to see if the structure of Palsangjeon(捌相殿) in Pubjoo Temple(法住寺), a five sto wooden pagoda in Chosen(朝鮮) Dynasty, was handed down from the ancient and middle ages. This study was performed through an analysis of Gilt-Bronze Pagoda built in Koryo(高麗) period. In other words, it is aimed at analyzing which lineage the structure of Palsangjeonbelongs to as a wooden pagoda. In analyzing the structure of Palsangjeon, I attempted to find out its source from the remains of Koryo period prior to the Chosen Dynasty. Examples are the Gilt-Bronze Pagoda, built during the Koryo period. I have also examined its relationship with other existing wooden pagodas and remains. The analysis of Palsangjeon, a five story wooden pagoda in Chosen Dynasty, focuses on the following: First, I explored the possibilities of whether the structure of Palsangjeon was newly invented in Chosen Dynasty, or if it had been derived from the wooden pagodas in the Koryo period. Secondly, I tried to find out if the stable vertical planes, with a great successive diminution ratio, were derived from the middle age, i.e. Koryo period. The results of the study of Palsangjeon through Gilt-Bronze Pagoda analysis are as follows: 1. The structure of Gilt-Bronze Pagoda, a wooden pagoda from the Koryo period, is roughly classified into the accumulation type, using pipe pillars, and the one story type using whole pillars. In the accumulation type, stories are connected in either a flat format or an intervening format. The Gilt-Bronze Pagoda is mainly composed of pipe pillars, with some whole pillars. However, the central pillar was omitted in the building structure. Generally, the upper and lower stories are connected by pipe pillars in a crutch format. All the pillars, whether they are pipe pillars or whole pillars, used Naiten(內轉) technology. The Eave supporter has the Haang type(下昻) and the Muhaang type(無下昻). In most cases, high balustrades are furnished, but few tables of high balustrades have been found. The slanting roof formats have been handed down from Paekche(百濟), Silla(新羅), or Koryo(高麗). However, the structure of the octagon is assumed to be derived from Koguryo(高句麗). The structure of the Gilt-Bronze Pagoda from the Koryo period is mainly composed of accumulated flat squares, with some spire types. intervening format, the structure of Palsangjeon used whole pillars in a half story format in which upper level side pillars are installed on the lower level tie beam. From the Bronze Pagoda from the Koryo period, we can assume that the half story format of wooden pagodas that has stable vertical planes with a great successive diminution ratio was created during the mid-Koryo period at the latest and had been idly developed by the time of the Chosen Dynasty. 3. The whole pillars in Palsangjeon are also found in Gilt-Bronze Pagodas from the Koryo period. Hence, all of the pillars in Palsangjeon seem to have been handed down from the ancient construction technology. They were also used in the construction of wooden pagodas from the Koryo period. Therefore, it is assumed that Palsangjeon was constructed using the construction technology of the Chosen Dynasty that had been developed from the wooden pagoda construction technology of the Koryo period. The stable vertical planes with a great successive diminution ratio in Palsangjeon are derived from ancient Korean wooden pagodas, which have developed into indigenous Korean wooden pagodas with fairly stable vertical planes and a great design, in the half story format of Koryo and Chosen Dynasty. Therefore, it is assumed that the structure of Palsangjeon has a systematic relationship with traditional Korean wooden pagodas and is one of the indigenous Korean wooden pagoda structures. 4. In China, the intervening format has been mainly used between stories in multi-story architecture since the ancient days. At the same time, the flat format as also used in ancient and middle ages. However, the flat format was replaced by whole pillars during the Ming(明) and Manchu(淸) Dynasties, in favor of simple and compact construction. The half-story format, in which upper level side pillars are installed on tie beams, has been found in some cases, but it doesn't seem to have been the primary construction technology. Few traces of the half-story format have been found in multi-story architecture in Japan, and it has not been used as a general construction format. By contrast, the half-story format, which seems to have been derived from the Koryo period, was used as a general construction format in multi-story architecture of the Chosen Dynasty. The construction technology of multi-story architecture is related to that of multi-story wooden pagodas, but they have different production technologies. It seems that the structure of Palsangjeon did not just adopt the construction technology of multi-story architecture in the Chosen Dynasty, but it was developed from wooden pagodas in the Koryo period, including the Gilt-Bronze Pagoda. 5. Since the ancient days, most Chinese and Japanese wooden pagodas have adopted an accumulation type of structure using pipe pillars, with accumulated pointed towers. On the other hand, though most Korean wooden pagodas have also adopted an accumulation type of structure from the ancientdays, one story type using whole pillars was created in the Koryo and Chosen Dynasties. The wooden pagoda structure of Palsangjeon, with stable vertical planes in a half story format, is a unique Korean construction technology, different from the construction technologies of Chinese and Japanese wooden pagodas. This thesis clearly determined the structural characteristics of Palsangjeon. However, various remains have yet to be analyzed in depth, to establish an accurate construction technology system. In the beginning of this thesis, I had difficulty in precisely interpreting the internal structure of the Gilt-Bronze Pagoda from its appearance. However, in the process of study, the more serious problem was that there are few remains or ruins of multi-story architecture in ancient and the middle ages of Korea. Therefore, it is urgent to discover various remains in the future. This thesis succeeded in determining the structural characteristics of Palsangjeon. However, it fell short of clarifying the structural lineage of the stable vertical planes, although they show indigenous Korean architectural taste, representing the unique national emotion, and the construction format of multi-story wooden pagodas in Korea. I hope this is clarified in the future research.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.20-49
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• 2009

This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.2-31
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• 2020

CheomSeongDae (瞻星臺) is a stone structure built in Gyeongju, the former Silla Dynasty capital, during the reign of Queen Seondeok (632~647AD). There exist dozens of hypotheses regarding its original purpose. Depending on to whom you ask, the answer could be a celestial observatory, a religious altar, a Buddhist stupa, a monumental tower symbolizing scientific knowledge, and so on. The most common perception of the structure among lay people is a stargazing tower. Historians, however, have suggested that it was intended as "a gateway to the heavens", specifically the Trāyastriṃśa or the second of the six heavens of Kāmadhātu located on the top of Mountain Sumeru. The name "Cheom-seong-dae" could be interpreted in many different ways. 'Cheom (瞻)' could refer to looking up, staring, or admiring, etc.; 'Seong (星)' could mean a star, heaven, night, etc.; and 'heaven' in that context can be a physical or religious reference. 'Dae (臺)' usually refers to a high platform on which people stand or things are placed. Researchers from the science fields often read 'cheom-seong' as 'looking at stars'; while historians read it as 'admiring the Trāyastriṃśa' or 'adoring Śakra'. Śakra is said to be the ruler of Trāyastriṃśa' who governs the Four Heavenly Kings in the Cāturmahārājika heaven, the first of the six heavens of Kāmadhātu. Śakra is the highest authority of the heavenly kings in direct contact with humankind. This paper examined the usages of 'cheom-seong' in Chinese literature dated prior to the publication of 『Samguk Yusa』, a late 13th century Korean Buddhist historical book that contains the oldest record of the structure among all extant historical texts. I found the oldest usage of cheom-seong (瞻星臺) in 『Ekottara Āgama』, a Buddhist script translated into Chinese in the late 4th century, and was surprised to learn that its meaning was 'looking up at the brightness left by Śakra'. I also found that 'cheom-seong' had been incorporated in various religious contexts, such as Hinduism, Confucianism, Buddhist, Christianism, and Taoism. In Buddhism, there was good, bad, and neutral cheom-seong. Good cheom-seong meant to look up to heaven in the practice of asceticism, reading the heavenly god's intentions, and achieving the mindfulness of Buddhism. Bad cheom-seong included all astrological fortunetelling activities performed outside the boundaries of Buddhism. Neutral cheom-seong is secular. It may help people to understand the nature of the physical world, but was considered to have little meaning unless relating to the spiritual world of Buddhism. Cheom-seong had been performed repetitively in the processes of constructing Buddhist temples in China. According to Buddhist scripts, Queen Māyā of Sakya, the birth mother of Gautama Buddha, died seven days after the birth of Buddha, and was reborn in the Trāyastriṃśa heaven. Buddha, before reaching nirvana, ascended from Jetavana to Trāyastriṃśa and spent three months together with his mother. Gautama Buddha then returned to the human world, stepping upon the stairs built by Viśvakarman, the deity of the creative power in Trāyastriṃśa. In later years, King Asoka built a stupa at the site where Buddha descended. Since then, people have believed that the stairway to the heavens appears at a Buddhist stupa. Carefully examining the paragraphic structure of 『Samguk Yusa』's records on Cheomseongdae, plus other historical records, the fact that the alignment between the tomb of Queen Seondeok and Cheomseongdae perfectly matches the sunrise direction at the winter solstice supports this paper's position that Chemseongdae, built in the early years of Queen SeonDeok's reign (632~647AD), was a gateway to the Trāyastriṃśa heaven, just like the stupa at the Daci Temple (慈恩寺) in China built in 654. The meaning of 'Cheom-seong-dae' thus turns out to be 'adoring Trāyastriṃśa stupa', not 'stargazing platform'.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.70-99
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• 2021

Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' stone monument, designated as the Jeollanam-do Cultural Heritage, is considered to be the oldest of the epigraphs in Jeollanam-do. Immediately after the discovery, the possibility of it being a Maehyangbi of Memorial Inscriptions was mentioned and attracted attention. However, there is an absolute age of the 'Jeongwon (貞元) of 2 years' (786), so despite it is a relatively early epigraph (金石文), there are not many papers on the theme related to this stone monument. I believe that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). While reviewing and comparing the results of the existing research, I decoded the text from the 42nd character of the 4th line. As a result of the review, that was conducted, it was confirmed that this stone monument is truly a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). In particular, it was recorded in the literature of the late Joseon Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) that the letters of the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) are not recognizable. However, it is clearly stated that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Although there is no common expression for 'bury (埋)' or 'incense burial (埋香)' in the traditional Maehyangbi (埋香碑), which were popular in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Periods, it can be seen that it is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) from the words "hide (呑藏)" and "10 bundles of fragrant incense (合香十束)" that are engraved on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon.' In other words, it is thought that it meant 'hide (呑藏)' instead of 'bury (埋)'. Circumstantial evidence for the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), built in 888, contains the an epigraph from the Unified Silla Era. There is a phrase on it that says 'Plant incense on the shore (海岸植香)' on the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), and it conveys its meaning without using the character 'bury (埋)'. As a result of the absence of the character 'bury (埋)' on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon', it is not considered as a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). However, there is evidence that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is in fact a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) and it is also in the Geumpyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone) around Gukjangsaeng (國長生) and at the entrance of Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺). The letters written on the gold sign suggest the possibility that the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) at the royal tombs of King Jeongjo (正祖) was produced around at Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺) in Wolchulsan (月出山). Since the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) is naturally related to incense (香), it has been shown that the area around Wolchulsan, where Dogapsa Temple is located, has a long history related to incense (香). The letters visible on the stone monument, the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the letters on the Geompyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone), all show that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Considering the fact that the earliest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in existence is the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in Yeongam (靈巖) Ippam-ri (笠巖里), which has two dates from 1371 at the end of Goryeo and 1410 at the beginning of Joseon, the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon' which was set up in 786, would be the oldest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) that we know of. In addition, there is a historical significance in that the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) is proven in the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記), a document from the late Joseon period.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.22-53
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• 2020

This paper analyzes the contents, characteristics, and historical significance of the dedicatory inscriptions (josanggi) on the Amitabha Buddha and the Maitreya Bodhisattva statues of Gamsansa Temple, two masterpieces of Buddhist sculpture from the Unified Silla period. In the first section, I summarize research results from the past century (divided into four periods), before presenting a new perspective and methodology that questions the pre-existing notion that the Maitreya Bodhisattva has a higher rank than the Amitabha Buddha. In the second section, through my own analysis of the dedicatory inscriptions, arrangement, and overall appearance of the two images, I assert that the Amitabha Buddha sculpture actually held a higher rank and greater significance than the Maitreya Bodhisattva sculpture. In the third section, for the first time, I provide a new interpretation of two previously undeciphered characters from the inscriptions. In addition, by comparing the sentence structures from the respective inscriptions and revising the current understanding of the author (chanja) and calligrapher (seoja), I elucidate the possible meaning of some ambiguous phrases. Finally, in the fourth section, I reexamine the content of both inscriptions, differentiating between the parts relating to the patron (josangju), the dedication (josang), and the prayers of the patrons or donors (balwon). In particular, I argue that the phrase "for my deceased parents" is not merely a general axiom, but a specific reference. To summarize, the dedicatory inscriptions can be interpreted as follows: when Kim Jiseong's parents died, they were cremated and he scattered most of their remains by the East Sea. But years later, he regretted having no physical memorial of them to which to pay his respects. Thus, in his later years, he donated his estate on Gamsan as alms and led the construction of Gamsansa Temple. He then commissioned the production of the two stone sculptures of Amitabha Buddha and Maitreya Bodhisattva for the temple, asking that they be sculpted realistically to reflect the actual appearance of his parents. Finally, he enshrined the remains of his parents in the sculptures through the hole in the back of the head (jeonghyeol). The Maitreya Bodhisattva is a standing image with a nirmanakaya, or "transformation Buddha," on the crown. As various art historians have pointed out, this iconography is virtually unprecedented among Maitreya images in East Asian Buddhist sculpture, leading some to speculate that the standing image is actually the Avalokitesvara. However, anyone who reads the dedicatory inscription can have no doubt that this image is in fact the Maitreya. To ensure that the sculpture properly embodied his mother (who wished to be reborn in Tushita Heaven with Maitreya Bodhisattva), Kim Jiseong combined the iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara (the reincarnation of compassion). Hence, Kim Jiseong's deep love for his mother motivated him to modify the conventional iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara. A similar sentiment can be found in the sculpture of Amitabha Buddha. To this day, any visitor to the temple who first looks at the sculptures from the front before reading the text on the back will be deeply touched by the filial love of Kim Jiseong, who truly cherished the memory of his parents.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.54-79
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• 2024

The purpose of this research is to fill the vacuum created by the tendency of bias towards China among the curators of Korean museums who plan exhibitions focusing on Balhae, and to share with researchers in the countries concerned various supplementary research materials that could deepen their understanding of the history of Balhae. These materials are based on analyses of the details of exhibitions about Balhae held in a particular Russian museum and the characteristics of and changes in the museum's operational policy. Thus, this research focuses mainly on the permanent and special exhibitions held by the Far East History Museum and Reserve, whose collection represents the archaeological achievements of Russia regarding the history of Balhae. The first part of the research focuses on the layout of the exhibitions presented by the museum and the museum's operational policy. It reveals that the museum's permanent exhibitions follow a diachronic arrangement of the local history, while the first and second special exhibitions featured exhibits that were selected from the collections of the Russian Academy of Sciences and arranged according to specific themes. It also examines the museum's policy for operating the exhibitions, focusing on the operational rules, the human resources deployed to run them, and the related educational and PR programs. The second part of the research examines such issues as local politics, economy, education and culture related to the exhibitions on Balhae's history, and connects them to the background and development of the exhibitions. This study reveals that the permanent exhibitions were intended to promote historical awareness of the local area by museum visitors, particularly those who visited the exhibitions while the city was hosting important events such as international summits. It also reveals that the museum's first special exhibition led to the promotion of Korea-Russia cooperation on exchanges in the fields of culture and tourism, whereas the second special exhibition involved no PR efforts or related events, which was probably due to the changes that have occurred in the relationship between Russia and its neighboring countries since then. The final part of the study focuses on the characteristic features of the exhibition narratives, and compares school textbooks on local history and history books for general readers with the contents of the exhibitions. The analysis of the narratives based on the development of time shows that the history of the Mohe (or Malgal) tribes has been combined with that of Balhae, while they are treated separately in school textbooks. As regards political history, the narrative was largely focused on officials in Balhae's central government rather than on Mohe warriors in the border areas. The maps of Balhae presented in the exhibitions highlight the importance of accumulating empirical data. As for the exhibition of material cultures, this study suggests that the museums should obtain more archaeological floral and faunal remains related with agriculture and hunting. It also points out that the narrative on the theme of foreign relations deals with the archaeological relics of Unified Silla together with those of the Turkic tribes. As for the theme of philosophy and culture, the narrative focused on the state ceremonies and rituals of Goguryeo, a theme that has attracted little attention among Korean academic circles and which consequently requires further study. In conclusion, this study is meaningful in that it suggests a number of research topics regarding the development of exhibitions and exhibition narratives about the history of Balhae by a prestigious Russian museum that specializes in this subject.