• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.60 no.1
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• pp.56-75
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• 2010

Jeju island is located in far from main land and has very harsh environment that has formed an unique clothing style as well. In addition, the popular belief has been developed with originality even their clothing. Therefore, this study is concerned with costumes worn for various ritual events and to analyze their features in Jeju. The shamanism served 18,000 gods are composed to 12 different types of the events for wealth, safety, heath, sadness or thanks. The costumes worn by officiating priests or 'Simbang(shaman)' depend on the occasion of an event, and they are different for male and female performers. The styles of costumes for religious service can be divided into 7 types: Regulation dress(Jebok), Korean full-dress attire(Dopo), Official uniform(Danryung), Military uniform(Gunbok), Formal dress (Durumagi), Casual wears and Special costumes. The costumes for religion events are not various and splendid as compare with another province in Jeju. Because, when simbang expired, their clothings had been burned according to custom. However, It is important materials for us to know the clothing of time. We should keep studing that costume more as a valuable culture.

• 기호학연구
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• no.54
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• pp.119-145
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• 2018

This paper attempts to divide the narrative into three levels and review the approach methodology to understand Princess Bari as a narrative. If the stratification of the narrative, the analysis of each levels, and the integrated approach to them are made, this can contribute to suggesting new directions and ways to understand and study Princess Bari. The story level of Princess Bari, the surface structure, is shaped by the space movement and the chronological sequential structure of the life task that started from the birth of the main character. This story shows how a woman who was denied her existence by her father as soon as she was born finds an ontological transformation and identities through a process. Especially, the journey of finding identity is mainly formed through the events that occur through the relationship with family members. This structure, which can be found in the narrative level, forms a deep structure with the oppositional paradigm of family members' conflict and reconciliation, life and death. The thought structure revealed in this story is the problem of life is the problem of family composition, and the problem of death is also the same. In response to how to look at the unified world of coexistence of life and death, this tradition group of myths makes a relationship with man and God. This story is mainly communicated in the Korean shamanistic ritual(Gut) that sent the dead to the afterlife. Although the shaman is the sender and the participants in the ritual are the receivers, the story is well known a message that does not have new information repeated in certain situations. In gut, the patrons and participants do not simply accept the narrative as a message, but accept themselves as codes for reconstructing their lives and behavior through autocommunication. By accepting the characters and events of as a homeomorphism relationship with their lives, people accept the everyday life as an integrated view of life and death, disjunction and communication, conflict and reconciliation, and the present viewpoint. It can not change the real world, but it changes the attitude of 'I' about life. And it is a change and transformation that can be achieved through personal communication like the transformation of Princess Bari into god in myth. Thus, Princess Bari shows that each meaning and function in the story level, composition level, and communication level is related to each other. In addition, the structure revealed by this narrative on three levels is also effective in revealing the collective consciousness and cultural system of the transmission group.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2010

Danggol, in other words the hereditary shaman, is a person who is performing the Gut(the Korean shamanistic ritual) as the job but fortuneteller simply tells someone's fortunes. Nowadays most of fortunetellers think their works are wholly managed the Gut as the holy jobs. But Generally this kinds of jobs, we think it is lower than ordinary people's level of education in the korea. Actually we can meet eleven fortunetellers who have a college diploma out of them, so we can know that their education's level is increasing gradually. On the other hand a house of fortunetellers is the place where can lead the way of our lives in the method of seeing one's past life or making predictions of someone's coming events etc. Gradually this place seems to be separated with a private home, so the most of them is managing as the monthly rent. Consequently this houses are heavily located at the Gyerim five-way crossing, the Yang-dong Dakjeonmeory street, Jungheung-dong local culture street area. Each fortunetellers have the different ways of fortune-telling because this methods are decided by their one's characters. So their fortune-telling time and its time required for a task is far different. The methods of telling it is very much different in accordance with the learning fortuneteller or spiritualistic fortuneteller. But the process of fortune-telling is common like as a preparatory stage, carrying a Jumsa(fortune-telling) stage and acting by a Jumsa stage. These steps are sequential but linked together. There are six special features of fortune-telling culture in Gwang-Ju. 1. The role of a fortuneteller and Bosal(spirit-descended shaman) runs at the same time. 2. The house of fortune-telling is doing Gutdang(ritual house)'s works. 3. Its location are heavily collectivized at the specific districts. 4. The learning fortuneteller are increasing gradually. 5. The youth are growing use in the fortune-telling house. 6. There are many person that are visiting this house because of individual problems not their family's problems.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.40-52
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• 2021

Various peoples lived in Changbai Mountain in each era, and the peoples of each period regarded Changbai Mountain as part of their own religious culture. Existing studies on the culture of Changbai Mountain are conducted only based on the events of a specific period, but how the sacredness of Changbai Mountain has changed from time to time, how it is related to the religious culture of the people of each period, and how sacred the areas and spaces have changed. There has been no research to that extent. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the meaning of Changbai Mountain's sacredness that has changed from time to time. In order to examine the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain through synchronicity, the study focused on the hierophany occurring between the religious culture of the peoples of each period and the space of Changbai Mountain. Specifically, the activities to protect the sacred objects and sacred spaces revealed by the hierophany were considered, and the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain was interpreted with the derived results. The summary of the results of this study is as follows. The sacred activities of Changbai Mountain have changed from time to time. During the pre-Qing dynasty, civilians performed incarnation rites, holy god rites, mountain god ceremonies, and willow god rites for livelihood and survival, and the king of the Jin dynasty offered rituals to the Changbai Mountain gods as rituals such as Four Mountains(Yuezhen). During the Qing Dynasty, the emperor built Wangji Temple and sent a government official to make a ritual to the Changbai Mountain god as the best ritual to symbolize the country. In modern times, Bagua Temple was built on the top of Changbai Mountain and sacrifices were made to the Changbai Mountain gods, and the nature of Changbai Mountain. Humans living in Changbai Mountain area were judged through the tricks of the Bagua Mountain. In addition, during this period, civilians performed ritual activities centering on the god Shanshenlaobatou, who personified life and production. In summary, the sacred activities of Changbai Mountain were shamanistic rituals based on animistic ideology in the pre-Qing dynasty, the best imperial rites for honoring the sacred as an imperial sanctuary in the Qing dynasty, and the Taoist ideology of migrants in the modern period. It had been transformed into a ceremonial activity. And the meaning of Changbai Mountain, viewed as a sacred activity, was elevated from the mountain of livelihood in the pre-Qing dynasty to the mountain of the nation in the Qing dynasty, and then changed to the mountain of modern production.