• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.155-184
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• 2014

This Paper is research for Yulgok School(栗谷學派)'s lixue(禮學) in the first half of 17c centering around Uiremunhae(疑禮問解) and Uiremunhaesuk(疑禮問解續). Uiremunhae and Uiremunhaesuk are a book between Kim Jangsaeng(金長生) Kim Jip(金集) and his follower's questions & answers about li. A book or letter of questions & answers about li is useful for comprehension of lixue's opinion, especially questions & answers about controversial li shows their critical mind and a foundation of cognition for li. Thus I make showing then situation of Kim Jangsaeng and his follower in relates to understanding and performing Zhuxi's family rituals on analyzing questions & answers about controversial li. Kim Jangsaeng Kim Jip and his follower's characteristic of lixue are several on analyzing Uiremunhae. First, Kim Jangsaeng and his follower researched for Zhuxi's family rituals with systematic approach and in-depth research, and detailed in reference to the Classic of li, Zhuxi, Zheongyi(程?), Zangzai(張載)'s thoery of li and chinese lixue data, and Lee Hwang(李滉), Lee Yi(李珥), Song Yikpil(宋翼弼), Jeong Goo(鄭逑)'s thoery of li and korean lixue data. Next, on questions & answers about controversial li, Kim and his follower basically maintained following Zhuxi's family rituals. Zonfa, sacrificial rituals and funeral rituals are all such that, and if there happened omission and contradiction in Zhuxi's family rituals, they refered to Zhuxi's theory of li on the collected works of Zhuxi and the analects of Zhuxi and searched righteous li by historial invesigation. Then, Kim and his follower critically were in succession to Lee Yi and Song Yikpil's thoery of li. finally, They also had to considered then situation on li(Zhuxi's family rituals' li and ancient li)'s operation and actualizatin on considering principle and mind of li.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.155-172
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• 1997

In the age of the three Kingdoms, Silla, Kokuryu and Baekjae were built Confucian Shrine (Kukhak or Taehak) after BC 2-4 century Confucism propagated from China. It means 1600years' history of Saugc-Zeuhn Rites of an Imperial ceremony to honor Confucius in Korean peninsula. For Chosen dynasty age passed by Koryo dynasty carried out mainly Confucian policy, in Sungkyunhwan of Mun-Hyo (Confucian Shrine) traditional rites in memory of Confucius are observed twice a year in spring and autumn for 600 years of the 112 memories Tablets to Confucius and the other famous Confucius scholars. (his disciples and Korean Confucian scholars) Wine, food, and silk are offered, and incense burnt before the tablets of confucius and the other scholars while traditional music is played and ceremonial dances performed. Traditional rites are observed primarily for the purpose of reminding students and other attendats of the teaching of Confucius. It is to have got it firmly into young Korean head that humanim, family, courtesy, order modesty and practical morality are more important than any thing else. And also now we need to reappraise, fundermently recognize rehabilitute and transmission the traditional foods Korean sacrifical rituals culture by Korean characteristics culture, Through the historical background we can recognize how much the Confucius thought and education effect deeply Korean sociaty even upto now to Korean popular life. At the same time confucism became fixed to Korean traditional thought and culture. Specially Sauge-Zeuhm Rites is based on Korean sacrificial rituals culture and Korean dietary life generally through this study we can see and presume the changes and transmmision of foods and cookey methods from BC ages.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.25 no.5
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• pp.739-751
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• 2015

This study investigated the table settings used in Bul-chun-wi sacrificial rituals in Sangju, Gyeongpook Province. This study took place from May 2014 to April 2015 and incorporated field research and literature review. The subjects of the study were Sojae jongga (family head), Wolgan jongga, Ubook jongga and Ipjae jongga. There were four rows in the table setting of the Wolgan, whereas there were five rows in the other jonggas. In row 5, there were fruits, seeds and confections. In row 4, there were vegetables. In row 3, there was tang (stew); in row 2, juk (steamed meats or fishes) and pyun (rice cake); and in row 1, meh (boiled rice), geng (soup) and myun (noodles). The common food setting was arranged in the order of meh, geng, myun, ganjang (Korean soy sauce), poh (dried meat/fish), chimchae (water kimchi), dates, chestnuts, pears, persimmons, walnuts, bracken, bellflowers, croaker, pyun, and ssam (rice wrapped in lettuce leaves). Ubook jongga had the most number of stews at seven. Sojae and Ipjae jongga each had five stews, and Wolgan jongga had three. The smaller Wolgan jongga had gehjuk (boiled chicken), uhjuk (steamed fish) and yookjuk (boiled meat) arranged in a neat pile on one dish used for rituals, whereas Ubook jongga had gehjuk, uhjuk and yookjuk arranged separately. Sojae and Ipjae jongga had gehjuk arranged separately while yookjuk and uhjuk were arranged as dojuk (gehjuk, uhjuk, yookjuk). The uhjuk was arranged separately. In Wolgan jongga, po was arranged on the right while in the other jonggas, it was arranged to the left. For raw meat Ubook jongga, raw mackerel; Ipjae jongga, raw croaker, and Sojae jongga Yukhoe (beef tartare) were set. However, pork, chicken and croaker were cooked. Other ritual food were used in seasoning and boiling. In the geng Wolgan and Ipjae jongga used miyeokguk (seawood soup), whereas Sojae and Ubook jongga used tangguk (meat soup with vegetables). For the ritual food, most jongga ordered yoogwa, yakgwa and bonpyun as one part, rice cakes (steamed rice cake, glutinous rice cake, jeungpyun, gyungdan), and jehju (alcohol). The other ritual food was prepared on the day by jongga.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.132-151
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• 2009

Gut (Shaman ritual) in the west coast area is consisted to sanyang-geori (hunting), tasal-geori, gunwoong-geori those describe from hunting process to preparing animal sacrifices to a deity. The characteristic of gut in the west coast area which are represented for mock hunting and animal sacrifice ritual is practicing at the sibamasturi in Japan. This paper aims to compare a shaman ritual in west coast area in Korea and Japanese Sibamasturi from the comparative folklore point of view. Gut in the west coast area is well known for dividing sacrificial offering: vegetable for sinryeong and meat for singyeong. This division of spiritual deity shows it has different background from agriculture and hunting culture. Hwanghae-do gut has been formed under the various life environments. Therefore, each stage is conducted according to the purpose of the ritual. Sanyang-geori (hunting) represents the scene of hunting in the mountain and by catching live animals and it refers to Gunwoonsin, and will be offered. Animal sacrifice is a positive ritual which get rid of bad luck and pleased deity. Sibamasturi is practiced in mountain area where most of people involve in hunting and agriculture. Therefore, this area has both agricultural ritual and hunting ritual. Sibamasturi is practiced in January (lunar) and it also has meaning of beginning of agriculture and hunting in mountain area. Ground burnt off for cultivation way symbolizesfire ritual and mock hunting as well as animal sacrifice together. These rituals match to farmers of mountain area in the south-east Asia. The gut in the west coast area and Japanese Sibamasturi have common point that mock hunting and animal sacrifice are practiced at both rituals, however, the structure for these two ritual are different. In other word, there animal sacrifice has been formed with different cultural back ground.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.133-143
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• 1999

Originally, ancestral rites is a ceremony to pay filial piety to ancestors continuously even though they died, and this is a startingpoint based on the thought of paying respect to ancestors and 'root consciousness' which Korean people have. In the earliest days, Korean people worshipped nature and the sacrificial rituals were performed mainly for the fods of the skies and the earth. After the end-Koryeo Era introduced [Juja-Garye]ancestrial rites of forefather in home generalized. By the way, the foods for ancestrial rites on the original literature centering the [Sa-Rye-Pyon-Ram]are as follows: raw meat(saeng: 牲), rice and broth(ban, gaeng: 飯羹), fruits(果), slice meats(po: 脯), salted dry fish(jaban(佐飯), rice punch(sikhye: 食醯), soup(tang: 湯), fish and meat, roasts beef (jeok: 炙), roast vegetable(sookchae: 熟菜), rice cake(pyon: 餠), noodles(麵), soy(醬), Kimchi(沈菜), drink(酒), green tea(cha: 茶) etc. Today, ancestral rites, basically with this conception, has a function to bind the family and relatives as one. But as double income family are increasing, most housewives have heavy burden mentally and financially to prepare the food for the ancestral. The foods for ancestral rites can be said a way to express the internal true heart, and a basic medium to practice the filial piety. Many documents let us know that a few days before the ancestral rites, we should prepare the food for it with careful and pious attitude. And, they stress that our sincere attitude in preparing food is important rather than its quantity. In this industrial society, we have lots of difficulty preparing and observing the same service as it in the traditional socity. But I think that housewives can be freed from the burden they have to some degree when they realize what the true meaning of ancestral rites is and that the food for it plays a role an external expression.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.1-21
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to provide further direction to the culture program at the healthy family center by analyzinge its different concepts of family living culture, which is based on changes in the family values of an individual. This research was conducted on residents in the area of Seoul and Kung-gi from March 1, 2007 to March 30, 2007. The survey was distributed to 300 people, and 186 surveys were collected. Among those 186 surveyed, 179 were finally analyzed. Findings from the survey are as follows: First, age, gender, and marital status show differences in familism, consciousness of men's and women's equality, and recognition of family cultural ritual. As to planning the healthy family culture program, the program participants' age, gender, and marital status should be considered to successfully plan and operate the program. Second, regarding the view of family life from three aspects including the degree of recognition of family cultural ritual, familism, and the consciousness of men's and women's equality, all three variables show differences in the view of family life. Therefore, it will be highly effective to organize two separate groups: one presents lower recognition of family cultural ritual and family-based values, and another possesses a higher sense of equality. Third, the result of reviewing relative effectiveness to the proper family life value, wedding, consciousness of parents respect(=filial piety), and sacrificial rituals, funeral rites were founded to highly effective to family living view. Therefore, it will be highly effective to include these topics, when the family cultural living program is planned.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.801-810
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• 2008

The principal objective of this study was to assess Korea's traditional ritual food culture, and to compare two types of ancestral rites the Hyang-Sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites which were held in the Daegu and Andong regions of Korea. In this study, we describe the performance of the Bool-cheon-wi rites held by two head families located near the Andong area namely, the head family of Seoae Ryu Seong-Ryong(1542-1607)(Seoae) who was well-respected for his writings and personality, and the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji(1412-1456)(Dangye) who was well-known and famous as one of the members of the Sa-ryuk-sin. This research was conducted via diredt engagement in these memorial services and several interviews with the families. The results were summarized as follows; Foods used in the Hyang-sa rites including Mae(bap), Kook, Jaban(Jogee), Po(dried fish), Juck, boiled and seasoned vegetables, fruits, confections, and liquor. Jobap and Ssalbap were used as Mae at SD(Seo Dalsung), and PMPH(Pahoi Myogul Habin Park) used Jo, Hyunmy, Pi and Susu in the raw. The dishes on the table were arranged as follows. A wine cup was placed in the first row, Po(a dried pollack), and jujube and nuts in the second row, Ryukpo(slices of dried beef), Sangeogogi were set at the third row, and Soegogi, pork, Mu, and Minary were placed in the fourth row, and the head of the pig was placed in the center of the table at SD. A wine cup, Soegogi, and pork were positioned in the first row, Mu, Minary, Pi and Susu were placed in the second row, and Jogee, Jo, and Hyunmy were placed in the third row at PMPH. The sacrificial foods offered for Bool-cheon-wi rites were as follows; Mae(bap) Kook noodle Jogee Tang(stew) Po Juck Tucks boiled, seasoned and salted vegetables Jeon fruit confectioneries liquor(chungju). The head family of Seoae Yu Seong-Ryong utilized 5 types of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, chicken stew, vegetable stew, seafood stew), whereas the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji utilized 3 kinds of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, vegetable stew). As a basic Tuck, Shi-roo-tuck(a steamed rice cake), piled up to 25 layers, was primarily utilized. In particular, Jung-Gae(Seoae's favorite food) was placed on the table. For grilled-meat food(Juck), Yu's family used raw meat and Ha's family the half-cooked meat. The main types of Jucks used were meat-Juck, fish-Juck, chicken-Juck, and these were not served one by one. Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites have an the educational function, in that they allow for the carrying out of filial duties by a heartfelt performance of performing the ceremony, by taking great care from the pre-rite preparations to the post-rite period. In addition, these rites have various meanings, as events that strengthen the ties of blood relations of ancestors and themselves, and to promote and harmonize family friendships, they may also have religious meaning in the culture, as prayers are offered that all the family's descendants may be blessed, live long and enjoy abundance whlie respecting their ancestors. As for the role of Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites in today's nuclear family society, it can be said that these rites remain especially important as a method to strengthen community consciousness by fostering an understanding of the meaning of existence itself, and thus inspiring the roots of consciousness.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.318-345
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• 2013

This study was carried out with a focus on the factor on the periodical space organization of Daebodan (大報壇: the altar of great recompense) in Changdeok Palace, which is significant in terms of political history in the late Chosun Dynasty, and consider the factors in the formation of the structural system through historical records and drawings. Daebodan has the ideology of righteousness to the Ming Dynasty which the hierarchy of the Joseon Dynasty. who felt the crisis of the domination order, imposed as a solution after the Manchu war of 1636. In addition, Daebodan was built by complex factors that entailed the self-esteem of the 'Joseon Centralism Ideology (朝鮮中華)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven that were imminent to the kings of Joseon. Superficially, Daebodan has the spatial organization of the Sajik (社稷) Altar and the placement of an annex building, but had the applied placement due to limited topography and access to the backyard. Furthermore, the lateral structure of Daebodan multiply accepted various factors of the nine step's stairs, the hight of five cheok (尺), the circumstance of two floors that were showed in the altar and platform with small fences and an imperial order including the internal form of Hwangjangbang (黃帳房). Moreover, the name of the alter came from 'the Jiaote Sheng Book of Rites(禮記 郊特牲)' representing 'the suburban sacrifice ritual for Heaven (郊天)', and it was built by not only combining the system of the Sajik Altar in the Joseon Dynasty and China but also avoiding 'excessive etiquette (僭禮).' The point is a remarkable feature shown by the structural system of Daebodan. Thus, it is considered that the 'Notion of Confucian-Cultural Succession (中華繼承意識)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven were expressed by the structure and form of altar. This study examined the process of the creation, expansion, decline and disposal of Daebodan in a chronological order, and found that the ruling ideology of the governing elite by the political and cultural background of the era at each transitional point was reflected in the spatial formation of the altar. On the other hand, as a result of performing a field survey to find the location in accordance with Daebodan in drawing materials, there remains items such as worked stones from Daebodan, precast pavers and fragments of proof tile discovered in the surrounding of tora vine (Actinidia arguta) which is a natural monument of Changdeok Palace. As such, verification through future excavation and investigation is required.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.287-299
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• 1997

The Garlic having antibiosis is added to the most cuisine and used to treat dysentery and diarrhea for So-um-in(少陽人). The fact that the garlic, a Kind of Hun-chae, has warm and thermal characteristics couId be proved by a natural ecoIgical action of a fIy, Delia antiqua Meigen. OriginalIy San(蒜) designated Sosan(小蒜), a native species in Korea. But as Daesan(garlic)(大蒜) was imported, it meant both of Sosan(小蒜) and Daesan(大蒜). Now it means only Daesan(大蒜). This process of change of meaning was reviewed by focusing on the Dong-ui-bo-gam(東醫寶鑑). The San-20-mae(蒜二十枚) appearing in the Dangun mythology(檀君神話) should be interpreted not to 'garlic 20 piece(마늘 20개)' but to 'Dal-lae 20 roots(달래 20뿌리)'. It is possible to explain that the hibernant bear compared with the active tiger overcame the animality and the bestiality with perseverance in the dark cave so that it could be transformed to a human at the 21stday, the culmination number of Yang(陽). The garlic decame an abstaining food at sacrificial rituals because it arouses the sexual desire and excites person,s mind. High dose of raw garlic may cause harmful side effects in So-yang-in(少陽人) and Tae-um-in(太陰人) having a thermal characteristic.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.79 no.3
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• pp.330-342
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• 1990

One might have a retrospect on the relationship between the forest and human being from the viewpoint of ecological perspective. It is no doubt that most of the fossil humans should have lived on the forest and the latter provided foods and shelters for humans from their beginning stages, Since the so-called agricultural revolution, humans have extensively started to exploit the forest which had beer, their cradle. The industrial revolution has created another situation against the forest in terms of the quality of ecosystem. These two revolutions have set up the so-called civilization which seems to have been based on the sacrificial oblation of the forest. The cradle for human being has been kept exterminating for the shake of "economic development and miracle." This might be a synoptic history of relationships between the forest and human beings in a sense. designates the behavioral aspects of human being against the forest and people consider the forest only as exploitable resource in this context, and the latter means that people live on the forest and strive to adapt the order of forest ecosystem. The resourcism has developed a strategy of colonialism to exploit the forest and provided a winner's position for the human beings against the forest, This idea and behavioral perspective seems to have started the backfire against the exploiter who is the owner of the civilization. However, there are different philosophies and ideas to view the relationship between the forest and human beings. People within the forest who are mostly considered as "primitives" still keep their idea of the ontology of the forest. There is a theoretical assumption of the "socionatural system" to look into the ecosystem. The forest could be viewed in the above frame of analysis. There are five variables : environment, resource, technology, organization, and ideology. Ideological aspect of the forest can be explained in the context of belief systems. Forest has a meaning of religion and rituals and people within the forest should admire it in anyway of religious reasons. This aspect of the forest cannot be separated from the environmental aspect of the forest. People within the forest acknowledge and practice the above idea. People outside the forest have lost the idea, however, at the cost of acquiring the civilization. They have expelled themselves from the forest and divided the socionatural system of the forest by way of colonialism. The efforts like agroforestry and social forestry would be strategies for recovering the idea of ontology of the forest as well as the sense of community including the forest and human being. People within the forest will be a prospective model for the future socionatural system of the forest for the people outside the forest. At this point, an ecological anthropologist can work with the forest specialists.