• The Journal of Internal Korean Medicine
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.856-870
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• 2008

Objectives : Consumption is a chronic wasting disease and major portion of Oriental Medicine's therapy. However, there is no standard diagnostic method for consumption that is $q{\grave{i}}-x{\bar{u}}$, $xu{\grave{e}}-x{\bar{u}}$, $yang-x{\bar{u}}$, $y{\bar{i}}n-x{\bar{u}}$. Methods : A questionnaire which includes symptoms and signs for diagnosis of $q{\grave{i}}-x{\bar{u}}$, $xu{\grave{e}}-x{\bar{u}}$, $yang-x{\bar{u}}$, $y{\bar{i}}n-x{\bar{u}}$ was evaluated by Delphi technique. Each question was valuated by interviewing 27 oriental medicine doctors. Then. we choose questions given over 5 points and reorganized some items according to the recommendations by interviewed-doctors. We then accessed the value of re-organized questions composing of the questionnaires. Conclusion : We finally chose each 9 items of $q{\grave{i}}-x{\bar{u}}$, $xu{\grave{e}}-x{\bar{u}}$, $yang-x{\bar{u}}$, $y{\bar{i}}n-x{\bar{u}}$'s questionnaire. Further study is necessary for modification of questionnaire by statistics and certification by clinical trial.

• Asian review of World Histories
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.169-195
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• 2014

This paper presents an investigation into cross-cultural transfiguration of Buddhist faith in Goryeo Dynasty, with a focus on $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra that used to be in vogue in East Asia. There are three major types of $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra faith in Goryeo: the first one was concerned about the scripture itself including its citation and publication and the compilation of its annotation books; the second one involved establishing Buddhist rituals related to the scripture; and the final one was to create Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles with Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in Volume 7 of the scripture engraved in stone. While it was the common practice to engrave Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in China, the number of stone poles on which Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ was engraved was overwhelmingly large. There are a couple of reasons behind the difference: first, there was a tendency of Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ being worshiped at the national level in Goryeo, which probably explains why the percentage of Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles designed to pray for a personal mass for the dead by engraving Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ on a stone pole was considerably low. In addition, there were esoteric sects in Goryeo, and it is estimated that they must have got involved in the establishment of Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles in the former half of Goryeo. Furthermore, the Zen sects had a deep non-Zen understanding of Esoteric Buddhism and tended to practice Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in Goryeo. It is estimated that Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles were set up in large numbers in Goryeo as the prevalence of $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra faith that continued on since the former half of Goryeo was combined with the Zen sects' active position about Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.117
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• pp.35-55
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• 2011

This article purports to clarify the doctrinal characteristics of the $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ school's hermeneutic interpretations of the "theory of the three turns of the Dharma Cakra" in the Saṃdbinirmocana-sūtra through early Indian $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ treatises such as the $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}rabb{\bar{u}}mi-vy{\bar{a}}kby{\bar{a}}$ and the. $Vy{\bar{a}}khy{\bar{a}}yukti$. It will probe how these interpretations apply co the theory of two truths or that of three natures($trisvabh{\bar{a}}va$) among the main doctrines of the $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ school. Especially, the peculiar characteristic of the "theory of the three turns of the Dharma Cakra" is such chat the thought of ${\acute{s}}{\bar{u}}nyat{\bar{a}}$ in the lineage of $Praj{\bar{n}}{\bar{a}}p{\bar{a}}ramita-s{\bar{u}}tras$ is regarded as incomplete, as the early school of Madhyamaka represented by $N{\bar{a}}g{\bar{a}}rjuna$ is conceived of as belonging to the second period of turn. Speaking of the further details of the "theory of the three turns of the Dharma Cakra", the $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ school subdivides the realm of saṃvṛti satya in $N{\bar{a}}g{\bar{a}}rjuna^{\prime}s$ theory of two truths; that is, it divides the saṃvṛti into merely linguistic existence and actual existence, and the thus-created structure of the theory of three natures on the basis of ocher-dependent nature(paratantra-$svabh{\bar{a}}va$) makes it possible to establish the doctrinal system of the thought of ${\acute{s}}{\bar{u}}nyat{\bar{a}}$ that is not subject to "nihilism or ${\acute{s}}{\bar{u}}nyat{\bar{a}}$ attached to evil." In effect, the above hermeneutic interpretation of the "theory of the three turns of the Dharma Cakra" is inherited into the structure of the $abh{\bar{u}}taparikalpa$ in the $Madhy{\bar{a}}nta-vibh{\bar{a}}ga$ so that, as seen in the commentary of Sthiramati, it is ascertained to apply to later doctrines through its secure establishment. To summarize its characteristics succinctly, firstly the $abh{\bar{u}}taparikalpa$ newly established as a saṃvṛti-satya is set up as the other-dependent nature, which is seen to have been set up particularly in order to sublate both the $Sarv{\bar{a}}stiv{\bar{a}}da^{\prime}s$ realist "view of being" and the Madhyamaka's "view of ${\acute{s}}{\bar{u}}nyat{\bar{a}}$" that impairs the ocher-dependent nature as a samvṛti-satya. In other words, according to the five kinds of views suggested in Sthiramati's commentary, the three natures are seen to be presented as the fundamental truth in order to unify all the doctrinal systems available ever since the beginning of Buddhism. Then, the theory of three natures is established principally on the basis of the $abh{\bar{u}}taparikalpa$, while the two truths of the $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ school are clearly ascertained to have been embedded in the structure of the $abh{\bar{u}}taparikalpa$. In fact, this might be understood to reflect the unique ontological view of reality or truth in the $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ School.

• Journal of Korean Medicine Rehabilitation
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.23-40
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• 2011

Objectives: This study was designed to examine the effects of extracts of Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) on the lipid lowering, anti-oxidation and concentration of proinflammatory cytokines and was investigated on hyperlipidemic rats. Methods: Male rats weighing $182.39{\pm}4.71g$ were fed high fat diet for 8 weeks and 36 rats(above 400 g) were divided into 4 groups. Each of 9 rats was divided a control group and experimental groups. We fed a control group of rats a basal diet and administered normal saline(100 mg/kg, 1 time/1 day) for 4 weeks. And we fed each experimental group of rats basal diet and administered an extract of Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) extracts(100 mg/kg, 200mg/kg, 300 mg/kg, 300 mg/kg, 1 time/1 day) for 4 weeks. At the end of the experiment, the rats were sacrificed to determine their chemical composition. We measured lipid of plasma and liver, concentration of proinflmmatory cytokines, anti-oxidative activity and $TNF-{\alpha}$, Apo-B, Apo-E and leptin gene expression. Results: 1. Concentration of plasma free fatty(FFA) showed no significant difference in all the treatment groups. Concentration of plasma triglyceride(TG) showed a significant decrement in the 300 mg/kg in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups than that of control group. 2. Concentration of plasma total cholesterol showed a significant decrement in the 200 and 300 mg/kg in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups than that of control group. Concentration of plasma low density lipoprotein(LDL)-cholesterol showed a Significant decrement in the 300 mg/kg in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups than that of control group. Concentration of plasma high density lipoprotein(HDL)-cholesterol showed a significant increment in the 300 mg/kg in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) group. 3. Concentration of liver total cholesterol showed a tendence to decrease in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups. Concentration of liver TG showed a significant decrement in all Ojeoksangamibang groups than that of control group. 4. Concentration of plasma and liver thiobarbituric acid reactive substance(TBARS) showed a tendence to decrease in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups. 5. The values of glutathione peroxidase(GSH-Px), superoxide dismutase(SOD) and catalase(CAT) activity showed a significant increment in all Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups than that of control group. 6. The values of plasma aspartate aminotransferase(AST) and alanine aminotransferase(ALT) activity showed no significant different in all treatment group. 7. Concentration of plasma $interleukin(IL)-1{beta}$ showed no significant difference in all the treatment groups. Concentration of plasma IL-6 showed a significant decrement in the 300 mg/kg in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) group than that of control group. Concentration of plasma tumor necrosis $factor-{\alpha}(TNF-{\alpha})$ a siginifant decrement in the 200 and 300 mg/kg in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) group than that of control group. However the concentration of plasma IL-10 in the 300 mg/kg Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups showed a significant increment than that of control group. 9. In the analysis of reverse transcription-polymerase chain reaction(RT-PCR), gene expression of $TNF-{\alpha}$, Apo-B and Apo-E in the Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups showed a lower expression than that of control group. However the gene expression of leptin showed no difference in the treatment groups. 10. The ratio of $TNF-{\alpha}$, Apo-B, and Apo-E per ${\beta}-actin$ expression in the Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups showed a significant decrement than that of control group. However The ratio of leptin expression per ${\beta}-actin$ expression showed no significant difference among all the treatment groups. Conclusions: According to above results, in lowering lipid effect, anti-oxidation and control of pro-inflammatory cytokines production, Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) gives effect.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.1-32
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• 1998

I found following idea, as a result of researching his Science idea, mainly, by translation of the "$Zh\bar{a}ng$ xi $ch\acute{u}n$ $Xu\acute{e}$ $Sh\acute{u}$ ssu $hsi\acute{a}ng$ "(張錫純 學術硏究). $Zh\bar{a}ng$ xi $ch\acute{u}n$ regarded $ch\tilde{u}ng$ $ch\bar{u}ng$ $ts'\bar{a}n$ $hs\bar{l}$' (衷中參西) as the core idea of The Chinese-Western medical combination. He didn't segregate philosophy of the West from One of the Orient. He persued to harmonize each other and thought that the Western medicint theory is included in the Chinese one in many parts. besides, He recognized that it is bad to reject each other, for the medical science's purpose is to save a life, and united The Chinese-Western medicine theory, by $ch\acute{u}ng$ $ch\tilde{u}ng$ $ch\bar{u}ng$ $ts'\bar{a}n$ $hs\bar{l}$'(衷中參西) idea which refers to consult the Western medicine on the basis of the Chinese one. Medical basic theory of $Zh\bar{a}ng$ xi $ch\acute{u}n$ brought up new views of the theory : Dae-gi(大氣), gi-Hwa(氣化) theory, Nongangubgan byung juing chi(論肝及肝病證治), Eum her chijung ja bi(陰虛治重滋脾). Lim Sangeung yong(臨床應用) of Hyul Her gub(血虛及)-Hwal Hyul Hwa $\breve{u}$ bub(活血化瘀法), on the basis of classics, such as, "$N\breve{e}i$ Ching"(內經), "Chin Kue $\breve{i}$ $y\bar{a}o$ $l\ddot{u}{\bar{e}}h$, "Shen $n\acute{u}ng$ $p\breve{e}n$ $t\acute{s}{\check{a}}o$ ching"(新農本草經) etc. I'll sum up $Zh\bar{a}ng$ xi $ch\acute{u}n's$ clinical idea now He unified Sang Han(像寒)-On Byung(溫病) with Yuk Kyung Byung Jung(六經辨證) and It was noticiable to utilize a kinds of Baek Ho Tang(白虎湯). He gave a detailed description about a method of grasp the symptoms of the cause of the internal medicine diseases and pathology and, he left abundant views of theory about using remedy and experience of clinic.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.159-169
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• 2011

This research aims to discover how the pure land(Sukkavati), which had the greatest impact on ordinary people since the Shilla period, are represented in the Buddhist temples. This study first looked into the seven landscapes of the pure land, which are written on the $Amit{\bar{a}}yurdhy{\bar{a}}na$ $S{\bar{u}}tra$ a reliance on $s{\bar{u}}tras$ of the Pure Land School. Then, their meaning in the modern world were interpreted. Next the research moved on to the next step to see how the spirit and ideas of the pure land are shown in temples of the Pure Land School. Korean temples of the Pure Land School were found to faithfully embody the landscapes of the pure land in the $Amit{\bar{a}}yurdhy{\bar{a}}na$ $S{\bar{u}}tra$. One might say that those landscape traits of the temples surveyed are common among all Korean buddhist temples, but in the temples of the Pure Land School. those traits consistently reflect special concepts, forming their landscape identity. But ponds, on which the $Amit{\bar{a}}yurdhy{\bar{a}}na$ $S{\bar{u}}tra$ and the picture of $Amit{\bar{a}}yurdhy{\bar{a}}na$ $S{\bar{u}}tra$ put huge emphasis and drawn without an exception, were hard to find among the temples surveyed. This means that previous idea that a pond was an indispensible part in the temples of the Pure Land School needs to be corrected.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.87-109
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• 2019

In the Iranian epic $K{\bar{u}}shn{\bar{a}}ma$, there is a rather interesting story that recounts how the inhabitants of $B.s{\bar{i}}l\bar{a}$ cross-breed their domesticated horses with a magical horse living in the sea in order to obtain fine-bred ones. What is even more interesting is that similar accounts are also seen in many of other classical Perso-Arabic works and Chinese sources. The regions that such events took place in mainly spread over Central Asia and western China while in $K{\bar{u}}shn{\bar{a}}ma$, the story happens in $B.s{\bar{i}}l\bar{a}$, a legendary kingdom with its historical prototype being Silla. By sorting out certain records of how ancient people sought fine horses by cross-breeding domesticated horses with wild horses that inhabited mountains and waters within Chinese sources and classical Muslim works, and comparing these accounts with similar plot lines as depicted in $K{\bar{u}}shn{\bar{a}}ma$, this paper attempts to elucidate that the story in $K{\bar{u}}shn{\bar{a}}ma$ is a result of flourishing land and maritime exchanges between East Asia and West Asia during ancient and medieval times, rather than a purely literary fiction. It was not only influenced by the horse culture that thrived over the Eurasian Steppe, but the story is also coincidentally in accordance with the fact that the nomadic zone which lies within the central Eurasian continent extends as far as the Korean Peninsula in northeast Asia.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.345-378
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• 2017

In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Acupuncture
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.115-123
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• 2008

Objectives : The aim of this stuty is to investigate the effect of acupuncture at $Yanggn\bar{u}ngch'\check{o}n$ (G34) on the muscle fatigue. Methods : Subjects were asked to perform the elbow flexion and extension to induce the muscle fatigue. Sample group of 16 healthy subjects had acupuncture on $Yanggn\bar{u}ngch'\check{o}n$ (G34) during the resting time, while control group of 13 healthy subjects did not. Surface electromyography (sEMG) was measured after exercise and rest to record muscle fatigue. Results : Acupuncture at $Yanggn\bar{u}ngch'\check{o}n$ (G34) is effective for decreasing the muscle fatigue.