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A Study on Perfuming Clothes and the Incense Trade of East Asia in Goryeo Dynasty (고려시대 동아시아 훈의(熏衣)문화와 향재의 교역 연구)

  • Ha, Sumin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.2
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    • pp.204-221
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    • 2020
  • East Asian countries share a culture of perfuming clothes. The prosperity of the Maritime Silk Road and the incense trade are direct factors that have led to the development of incense culture. Perfuming clothes is a method of applying fragrance by burning incense. The Chinese could make an incense mixture with various types of incense, and records demonstrating use of perfuming clothes tools (熏籠) show that they might have perfumed clothes with incense mixtures. During the Tang dynasty, the incense trade thrived. Examples of ancient literature such as 『千金要方』, 『香譜』, 『香乘』 describe how to make incense for perfuming clothes and how to perfume clothes. 『桂海虞衡志』 and 『諸蕃志』 shows trade partners and goods. Incense was introduced to Korea alongside Buddhist culture. 『買新羅物解』 shows Silla traded incense with Japan. One of the trade goods recorded in 『買新羅物解』 is perfuming cloth incense (熏衣香), which establishes that Silla performed perfuming clothes at that time. During the Goryeo dynasty, Goryeo exported musk as well as ginseng. The royal family burned incense from the Song royal family. Noblewomen preferred sachets. The use of this dress continued into the Joseon dynasty. 『買新羅物解』 showed that Japan imported incense from Silla. 『The tale of Genji』 illustrates Heian nobles' incense culture, perfuming clothes culture, and trade of incense. Perfuming clothes tools became essential articles for marriage purposes and it developed in a practical shape. The Champa had a perfuming clothes culture. It is described on 『諸蕃志』. As Agilawood is found in Tongking, and Tongking was neighbor to the Champa and China, they might have had a perfuming clothes culture as well. Korea, China, Japan, and Vietnam shared a perfuming clothes culture. We can identify universality and commonality in the purpose of perfuming clothes, time of development, the method of making the incense mixture for perfuming clothes, the method of perfuming clothes, the tools, the gender of perfumer, and the type of herbs and spices.

The awareness and response to reality of Yoon Hee Soon, a female fighter for independence (여성독립운동가 윤희순의 현실인식과 대응)

  • Shin, Seonghwan
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.71
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    • pp.71-98
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    • 2018
  • This study is aimed to figure out the way Yoon Hee-sun perceived the real situations of the society under the Japanese ruling and responded to overcome difficulties in the process of anti-Japanese independence movement. Yoon Hee-sun played an important role as a female activist of the righteous army movement in Kangweon-do and Manchuria. She was a daughter-in-law of Yu Hong-seok, wife of Yu Jae-won, and mother of Yu Don-sang. Three generations of her family had taken the lead in anti-Japanese independence movement. The Yus belonged to a school of 'Hwaseo' and devoted their lives to the independent movement based on the thought of 'wijung chuksa sasang', which means 'defending orthodoxy and rejecting heterodoxy'. They desired to go back to the past and recover as it was rather than building a new society. Therefore, their fights against Japan's invasion were not for establishing a modern nation-state but for recovering the royal authority of the existing order. Both her maiden home and her in-laws belonged to a school of 'Hwaseo' and Yoon Hee-sun couldn't go out of the boundary of her family background. Also, the motivation of her participation in the righteous army movement was based on the confucian values such as loyalty to the king, filial piety and fidelity. In particular, she possessed a high level of self-awareness not only as a wife but also as a woman. On the basis of this, she faced up to reality. For the more effective way of revolt against Japan's invasion, she determined to change the perception of women identified only as a wife of somebody. She thought her duty was to enlighten women through 'education'. As a result, manifestoes and songs supporting the righteous army movement were used as a powerful method.

A Style Study for Reissued Gongsin-Gyoseo in Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 재발급(再發給) 공신교서(功臣敎書) 양식 연구)

  • Sim, Young-hwan;Lee, Jin-hee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.2
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    • pp.4-19
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    • 2014
  • In Joseon dynasty, Gongsin-Gyoseo(Royal Edicts rewarding meritorious vassals) was issued for the reward of the contribution to the specific event of the nation. The family decided as vassals succeeded this Gongsin-Gyoseo as the family treasure to later generations. When one happened to lose this caused by an unavoidable situation such as war in this process, there were a few cases of reissuing of Gongsin-gyoseo by the nation. The confirmative reissued Gongsin-gyoseo among Gongsin-gyoseo that descended down by now are three pieces which is Park dongnyang Hoseong Gongsin-Gyoseo, Gu goeng Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo, and Park jung Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo. This research considered the form and mounting about these three pieces. It was indicated that the reissued Gongsin-Gyoseo was produced following the same form with the original Gongsin-Gyoseo, that is pyeongchul(moving to next lines) and daedu (writing one or two letters ahead compared to the first letter) and so on. But, it was indicated that the change of the position of the vassals in the reissued time was reflected compared to position of the original Gongsin-Gyoseo. In case of Jeonsa Gongsin-Gyoseo, it was indicated that it was 'Wonjongdaewang-whi' since the original Gongsin-Gyoseo was 'Jeongwongun-bu' and the reissued time he became the father of King Injo. Also, it was confirmed that the case of deprivation because of conspiracy such as 'Kim jajeom, Kim ryeon, Sim kiwon, Sim kisung' was produced as the original document and deleted with black ink stick. It was newly confirmed while the original Gongsin-Gyoseo was produced by a designated writer from the nation, the reissuance was written by a writer from the family of the vassals. Since the mounting of Gongsin-Gyoseo could be changed according to the favor and technique of the craftsman participated in the practical production such as Baezeopjang and economical situation of the country supplying the material, the mounting of these three Gongsin-Gyoseo should be different from the original mounting, especially because of the loss of the original by the Manchu war of 1636. The comparison result of Gongsin-Gyoseo produced in the same period with the original issued one in the record of the related Uigwe (a collection of documents from the Joseon Dynasty), the reissued one seems to be larger in the form or ratio of the mounting compared to the first issued one. First of all, the width of Byunah was expanded as twice bigger, center and both side Hoejang also was bigger as over 2cm, and the below Hoejang was expanded as 10cm, and the ratio of the upper Hoejang and the below Hoejang was wider as 1.5 times and the reissuance was 1:1 ratio. The bisect of upper shaft in Park dongnyang Hoseong Gongsin-Gyoseo is assumed as the form of an equilateral triangle, not a half-moon shape of the present, and Gu goeng and Park jung Jeongsa Gongsin-Gyoseo will be the form whose bisection form is same but the size is smaller. Chuksu is confirmed that the size is not changed significantly. Osaekdahoe can be assumed that the width was smaller compared to the first issued one. The 3 pieces of the reissued versions provide the clue of the verification for the form of the mounting of Bosa Gongsin-Gyoseo in the same production period. In the situation that the mounting of the production time was not confirmed among the currently descended Bosa Gongsin-Gyoseo, they can be very important materials.

A Study on the Meaning Landscape and Environmental Design Techniques of Yoohoedang Garden(Hageowon : 何去園) of Byulup(別業) Type Byulseo(別墅) (별업(別業) '유회당' 원림 하거원(何去園)의 의미경관 해석과 환경설계기법)

  • Shin, Sang-sup;Kim, Hyun-wuk
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.2
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    • pp.46-69
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    • 2013
  • The results of study on the meaning landscape and environmental design techniques of the Byulup, Yoohoedang garden(Hageowon) based on the story in the collection of Kwon Yi-jin (Yoohoedangjip, 有懷堂集), are as below. First, Yoohoedang Kwon Yi-jin (有懷堂 權以鎭 : 1668~1734) constructed a Byulup garden consisting of ancestor grave, Byulup, garden, and a school, through 3 steps for 20 years in the back hill area of Moosoo-dong village, south of Mountain Bomun in Daejeon. In other words, he built the Byulup(別業, Yoohoedang) by placing his father's grave in the back hill of the village, and then constructed Yoegeongam(餘慶菴) and Geoupjae(居業齋) for protection of the pond(Napoji, 納汚池), garden(Banhwanwon, 盤桓園), and ancestor graves, and descendants' studying in the middle stage. He built an extension in Yoohoedang and finally completed the large-size garden (Hageowon) by extending the east area. Second, in terms of geomancy sense, Yoohoedang Byulup located in Moosoo-dong village area is the representative example including all space elements such as main living house (the head family house of Andong Kwon family), Byulup (Yoohoedang), ancestor graves, Hagoewon (garden) and Yoegeongam (cemetery management and school) which byulup type Byulseo should be equipped with. Thirdly, there are various meaning landscape elements combining the value system of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism value, including; (1) remembering parents, (2) harmonious family, (3) integrity, (4) virtue, (5) noble personality, (6) good luck, (7) hermit life, (8) family prosperity and learning development, (9) grace from ancestors, (10) fairyland, (11) guarding ancestor graves, and (12) living ever-young. Fourth, after he arranged ancestor graveyard in the back of the village, he used surrounding natural landscapes to construct Hagoewon garden with water garden consisting of 4 mountain streams and 3 ponds for 13 years, and finally completed a beautiful fairyland with 5 platforms, 3 bamboo forests, as well as the Seokgasan(石假山, artificial hill). Fifth, he adopted landscape plantation (28 kinds; pine, maple, royal azalea, azalea, persimmon tree, bamboo, willow, pomegranate tree, rose, chinensis, chaenomeles speciosa, Japanese azalea, peach tree, lotus, chrysanthemum, peony, and Paeonia suffruticosa, etc.) to apply romance from poetic affection, symbol and ideal from personification, as well as plantation plan considering seasonal landscapes. Landscape rocks were used by intact use of natural rocks, connecting with water elements, garden ornament method using Seokyeonji and flower steps, and mountain Seokga method showing the essence of landscape meanings. In addition, waterscape are characterized by active use of water considering natural streams and physio-graphic condition (eastern valley), ecological corridor role that rhythmically connects each space of the garden and waterways following routes, landscape meaning introduction connecting 'gaining knowledge by the study of things' values including Hwalsoodam(活水潭, pond), Mongjeong(蒙井, spring), Hosoo(濠水, stream), and Boksoo(?水, stream), and sensuous experience space construction with auditory and visualization using properties of landscape matters.

Archaeological Meanings of Wooden Tablets from Bogam-ri in Naju (나주 복암리 목간 출토의 고고학적 의의)

  • Kim, Hye jung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.2
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    • pp.142-157
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    • 2016
  • In 2008, the oldest wooden tablets, in the Baekje area, were uncovered from the Bogam-ri site in Naju. This paper defines wooden tablets to as objects with inking inscriptions. Of 65 wooden tablets contained in the excavation report of this site, this paper examines the meanings of 13 tablets with inscriptions written in ink by comparing them with other tablets found in the Baekje area. All tablets were unearthed from Pit Feature No. 1, a large-scale feature, at this site. Vertical stratigraphy of the feature is divided into 43 layers; but it seems that it does not reflect the chronological order, since unearthed artefacts, including wooden tablets, pottery, and roof tiles, turned out to be produced at the same age. Wooden tablets were not found in other features, and intentionally buried in this feature. Typological characteristics of wooden tablets indicate that the pit was the secondary refuse place. The inscription of the wooden tablets labeled 'gyeongonyeon(庚午年)' and the radiocarbon dates of them indicate that these tablets were created in the early 7th century AD, centered in 610 AD. On the basis of contents and typological characteristics, these are classified into six documents, six tags, and one tablet for other purpose. Total 89 pieces of wooden tablets have been unearthed in the Baekje area. Except tablets found in Naju and Geumsan, all have been collected in palaces, royal gardens, and temples inside and outside of the Sabi Capital. The significant wooden tablets of Baekje, which can be compared with tablets from Bogam-ri, were unearthed at from the Gwanbuk-ri site, the Gungnamji site, and the Ssangbuk-ri 280-5 site. Comparative studies on wooden tablets have revealed that the place name during the Wungjin Commandery Period, the status marking method standardized in the order of place name, official rank and person's name, the fact that Baekje operated the system of prefecture(郡), and Bogam-ri was one of the places where prefecture was established, and the evidence of family register system. Wooden tablets at Bogam-ri record the documented date (610 AD), the documented place (Duhilseong where the prefecture established), and the writers (advisors and staffs of the prefecture). The recorded contents of them are invaluable data showing the local administrative system of Baekje, such as the status marking method, the means of description, the family-register system, and the land surveying system.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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A Study on the Changes of Landscape Perception for 'Bejing-Palgyeong(北京八景)' in China (중국 역대 북경팔경(北京八景)의 경관인식 변화에 대한 고찰)

  • Kwon, Ji-Young;Kim, Sung-Kyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.2
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    • pp.1-13
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    • 2020
  • This study closely analyzed poems and paintings related to Beijing-Palgyeong, as well as ancient maps and ancient writings. Through the study, people who read this study can consider, Beijing-Palgyeong's the process of changing times, changing landscape perception, physical and symbolic landscape elements, structural analysis, national management relationships, and finally how it was localized as symbolic place. The view point of the Beijing-Palgyeong is distributed in four places, one outside and one inside the city. Outside of the capital city of Beijing-Palgyeong were concentrated in Seosan(西山) where the resting place of the emperor and the center of the landscape view of Beijing. The view point of Beijing-Palgyeong inside the capital city is located in two places in the royal palace's Imperial Garden and in two villages around the fortress. In other words, Beijing-Palgyeong was selected as a place closely related to the imperial family, emperor, and royal palace from the time of its initial creation. Since then, many scholars, including the emperor, have used it for national management through Won(元), Ming and Qing Dynasty, and it have become more and more characteristic of 'The capital city of eight scenic views'. The two places inside the capital city praised the Gods and Emperors in the same way. Outside the capital city, the two sites depict the comfortable lives of the people who are governed by the emperor and depicting the village landscape around the city. In the end, it can be seen that most of the Beijing-Palgyeong are related to imperial palaces and emperors. If you look at the physical landscape of Beijing-Palgyeong by element, it mainly contains the contents of national management and the emperor's eulogy. Qianlong Emperor established the Beijing-Palgyeong in 1751 through the construction of a monument. A four-character on the front of the monument, and inscribed with a seven-word written by the person on the back. It can be said that Qianlong Emperor's Beijing-Palgyeong were intended to show off the results of Manchurian rule through the material symbol of the monument. Beijing-Palgyeong have been transformed into a landmark, and modern people use it as an indicator of the Beijing-Palgyeong.

A Study on the Spatial and Visual Composition of Yi Ung-Jae's Old House, Dundeok-ri (둔덕리 이웅재고가(李雄宰古家)의 공간 및 경관 구성적 특성에 관한 연구)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Lee, Jung-Han
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.2
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    • pp.60-76
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    • 2020
  • The purpose of this study was to examine the spatial and visual arrangement characteristics of Imsil Yi Ung-jae's old house's spatial and visual aspects in order to discover the value of landscape and traditional house garden. The results of this study are as follows. Dongchon-village in Dundeok-ri, where old house is located, is a typical form of with "Back to the mountain and facing the water(背山臨水)", and is located in the north of the three streams of water, forming a Jeonchaghugwan(前窄後寬). Dongchon Village, which has a traditional scenic spot between Danguidae(丹丘臺) and Samgyeseokmun(三溪石門), is understood to be the main street of Nojeokbong Peak and Gyegwanbong Peak, which is Ansan(案山), where the "A centipede flying in the sky(飛天蜈蚣形)". Yi Ung-jae's old house is the oldest existing high-priced house in the North Jeolla region and the closing price of a royal family of the Joseon Dynasty, which was arranged by Chunseongjeong(春城正), Yi Dam-son(李聃孫) in the mid-16C. The Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 and Japanese colonial era, the loyalty of the gate quarters, the filial piety of the gate quarters, and the faithfulness of the tablet(扁額) and Juryeons(柱聯) are enough to contribute to the rise of the value of a physical house. The men's quarters(Sarangchae), which are placed on a high-pocket or a layout without going against the sloping terrain, have the effect of making the distance as far as possible, enhancing its dignity and hierarchy as a royal building. In addition, the entrance to the main quarters(Anchae) through the four pillar gates(四柱門), the extensive support and the appropriation of the Chaewon(vegetable garden), and the official base for the Anchae are very unique compared to the general nobility. However, in the context of the postwar relationship, the shrine seeks to realize Confucian ideals while harmonizing with nature by arranging wide sponsorships around it. On the other hand, it is confirmed that there was a pond in the form of a circle in a square(方池圓島型) with a relatively large area, which is now disturbed and damaged. Written by the high priced planting species are sponsored pine trees, hackberry, persimmon trees, Japanese apricot flower, Ohmomiji, and plum tree in the side garden, as well as cotyledon trees in the outside garden. However, although flower bed(花階), which is built on the stone axis, is a place that clearly shows the expensive garden, it seems to have lost the texture of the plant due to the extremely high variety of species and the splendor that does not match the plant landscape of the flower world. Yi Ung-jae's old house is highly valuable as it is a portrait house of a prince of the blood in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Based on these findings, this study proposed a plan to improve the management of high prices that could be met.

A Study on the Memorial stone of the Sumanotap in Jeongamsa Temple (정암사 수마노탑 탑지석(塔誌石) 연구)

  • Son, Shin-young
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.1
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    • pp.116-133
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    • 2014
  • The memorial stones of Sumanotap were known to have been sequentially produced in 1719, 1773, 1874, 1653, 1874. However, after examining the chronological era (年號) and sexagesimal cycle (干支), it was found that the second and fourth memorial stones were both recorded in 1713. The reason why the records of the same period were divided into two is assumed that since the subject to repair was divided into main structure and flagpole of the temple, and it was recorded per each monk in charge and donator. On the fifth tablet of the memorial stone of Sumanotap contains all the names of monks who were in charge of repairing Sumanotap as well as the names of common donators. These people are not verified in detail though, through comparing the Buddhist names on the third memorial stone with Buddhist paintings and painting records, 12 monks were identified to be in the same names. Generally, they were active in Gangwon province, Gyeongsang province, Seoul and Gyeonggi province in the late 19th century and even after the Sumanotap repair, they took up other duties of various temples. The most notable name among the donators recorded in the memorial stones of Sumanotap was Kim Jwageun. He was the donator for the chest of gold and silver that was enshrined in the pagoda in 1874. His name was recorded with Mrs. Yang from Cheongsin and, at that time, was known just as a donator. However, actually, the donator was not Kim Jwageun but his mistress Mrs. Yang who used to be a gisaeng, called Na-hap and was from Naju. Kim Jwageun deceased in 1869 already. It is exceptional that Mrs. Yang who were the mistress of the prime minister Kim Jwageun personally participated in the Buddhist event in which king, queen, mothers of king and queen, noblewoman participated. Besides, the event of Sumanotap repair was carried out by royal family in order to celebrate the hundredth day of the prince, Sunjong and his grandfather, Heungseon Daewongun did not participate for political reason. In this situation, the domination of Mrs. Yang is considered remarkable. Meanwhile, the temples that frequently appeared among the 10 temples recorded in the memorial stone of Sumanotap are Gakhwa-sa temple in Bonghwa-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do and Bodeok-sa temple in Yeongwolgun, Gangwon-do. Gakhwa-sa temple was a temple where the historical achievements were kept so was under the government's control. Bodeok-sa temple was the buddhist temple praying for the soul of the Danjong buried in the tomb and was managed by the government. Therefore, the face these two temples participated in the Sumanotap repair proves that Sumanotap was repaired by the supports form these two temples and the stature of Sumanotap at that time was as high as the temples where the historical achievements are store or the royal buddhist temples for praying for ancestors' souls.

Types of tweezers and their culture of use (족집게(鑷)의 유형과 사용 문화)

  • KIM, Jihyeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.3
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    • pp.4-23
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    • 2021
  • The purpose of this study was to classify the types of tweezers used across time and to examine the social culture of periods through the use of tweezers. Chapter II summarized the terms for tweezers and looked at the use of tweezers in two cases related to the social culture and politics of a period. The first is the use of tweezers for beauty purposes. Men used tweezers as a kind of self-management to maintain their social status and power, and thus they helped develop a wide range of tweezers cultures. People with gray hair are usually old. The perception that we should step down from politics when we are aged has become strong. Therefore, politicians pulled out gray hairs with tweezers to maintain only black hair and show youth, which indicates that their social influence is still strong. The second is the use of tweezers for first aid. Chapter III classified tweezers by type during the Goryeo and Joseon periods. The tweezers are largely divided into basic and composite types. The basic type of tweezers is a form that has been continued since the Three Kingdoms Period and consists of tongs and handles, and a fixed type of tweezers with a fixed ring appeared. Composite tweezers are made by grafting earpick or multipurpose knives. Composite tweezers are all-in-one tweezers with an earpick and an all-in-one knife. Tweezers are usually all-in-one. Among the composite tweezers, rivet separation and ring separation are characterized by separation, unlike the all-in-one tweezers. The method of connecting is divided into rivets and connection rings. The all-in-one tweezers appear only during the Goryeo Dynasty and are characterized by the lifestyle that provides a glimpse of the tastes of contemporary users. The manufacturing takes shape after making a thin metal plate. Decorative techniques are carved on soft metal tweezers, such as silver and bronze with a line, point, and a pressed angle. These tweezers are presumed to have been used by the royal family or aristocrats. However, most tweezers are made of strong bronze or iron. Therefore, the majority of simple X-shaped patterns are sampled or without patterns. The biggest reason why there are such diverse types of tweezers is that the culture of tweezers was widespread regardless of the times. In addition, the basic type of tweezers has been used since the Three Kingdoms Period and has been modified and used together as necessary because the shape of tweezers is a practical daily tool. Study of metal crafts have been limited to royal objects and Buddhist crafts. We hope that research on everyday tools such as tweezers will continue to serve as an opportunity to examine the social and cultural aspects of the times in various ways.