• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.254-263
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• 1988

Contents and distribution of amino acids in the humic acid and fulvic acid fractions of different types ($R_p$, B, A, P) were investigated. Extracted humic and fulvic acids were purified and analyzed. The results are summarized as the following: (1) Composition of Humus The total humus ($H_T$), amount of humic acid (a), amount of fulvic acid (b), and ${\Delta}logK$ all decrease in the order of $R_p$ > B > A > P type. The same trend was observed in the total nitrogen and carbon. (2) Contents and composition of amino acids in humic acids. 1) The total amounts of amino acids in the humic acid fraction of different types were in the following order for soils under coniferous forest trees: $R_p$ > B > A > P type, but for soils under deciduous forest trees the order was P > A > $R_p$ > B type. There were positive correlationships between total amino acids and total carbon and ${\Delta}logK$ for humic acids from soils under coniferous forest trees, but a negative correlationship was existed. between total amino acids and C/N ratios. No significant correlation was found for samples taken from soils under deciduous forest trees. 2) The ratios of one group of amino acids to the others were compared. The ratios of acidic amino acids were in the order of P > $R_p$ > B > A type. those of neutral amino acids followed the order of $R_p$ > B > A > P type and those of the basic amino acids were in the order of B > A >$R_p$ > P type for soils under coniferous forest trees. Contents of total amino acids were in the order of the neutral > the acidic > the basic amino acids. For the soils under deciduous forest trees the order of the ratio was different. Acidic amino acids followed the order of A > P > B > $R_p$ type, neutral ones followed the order of P > $R_p$ > A > B type, and the basic amino acids did the order of $$P{\geq_-}$$ A > B $$\geq_-$$ $-R_p$ type where the difference was very small. 3) In general aspartic aicd, glycine and glutamic acid were the major components in all samples. Histidine, tyrosine and methionine belonged to the group contained in a small amount. (3) Contents and composition of amino acids in fulvic acids. 1) The total amounts of amino acids of different types of fulvic acids were in the order of $R_p$ > B > P > A type regardless of origin of samples. There were positive correlationships observed between the toal amino acids and total carbon and ${\Delta}logK$ for soils under coniferous forest trees. For soils under deciduous forest trees, positive correlationships were observed among total amino aicds, total nitrogen, total humus ($H_T$), total humic aicd (a), and ${\Delta}logK$, but a negative correlationship existed between total amino acids and C/N ratio. 2) Thr ratio among acidic amino acids, neutral amino acids and basic amino acids of different types were $R_p$ > B > P > A type. In this respect there was no difference between the two soils. 3) In general glycine, aspartic acid, and alanine were the major constituents in all samples of different types, while tyrosine and methionine were contained in a small amount. Virtually no amount of arginine was measured.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.389-398
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• 1998

Purpose : To evaluate the role of conventional postoperative adjuvant radiotherapy in the management of supratentorial malignant glioma and to determine favorable prognostic factors affecting survival. Materials and Methods : From Sep. 1985 to Mar. 1997, the number of eligible patients who received postoperative radiotherapy completely was 69. They ranged in age from 7 to 66 years (median, 47). Forty-two (61$\%$) patients were glioblastoma multiforme and the other 27 (39$\%$) were anaplastic astrocytoma. Twenty patients (29$\%$) had Karnofsky score equal or more than 80 preoperatively. Forty-three patients (62$\%$) had symptom duration equal or less than 3 months. Twenty-four patients (35$\%$) had gross total resection and forty patients(58$\%$) had partial resection, the remaining five patients (7$\%$) had biopsy only. Radiotherapy dose ranged from 50.4 Gy to 61.2 Gy (median, 55.8; mode, 59.4) with fraction size of 1 8 Gy-2.0 Gy for 33-83 days(median, 48) except three patients delivered 33, 36, 39 Gr, respectively with fraction size of 3.0 Gy due to poor postoperative performance status. Follow-up rate was 93$\%$ and median follow-up period was 14 months. Results : Overall survival rate at 2 and 3 years and median survival were 38$\%$, 20$\%$, and 16 months for entire patients; 67$\%$, 44$\%$, and 34 months for anaplastic astrocytoma; 18$\%$, 4$\%$, and 14 months for glioblastoma multiforme, respectively (p=0.0001). According to the extent of surgery, 3-year overall survival for gross total resection, partial resection, and biopsy only was 38$\%$, 11$\%$, and 0$\%$, respectively (p=0.02) The 3-year overall survival rates for patients age 40>, 40-59, and 60< were 52$\%$, 8$\%$, and 0$\%$, respectively (p=0.0007). For the variate of performance score 80< vs 80>, the 3-year survival rates were 53$\%$ and 9$\%$, respectively (p=0.008). On multivariate analysis including covariates of three surgical and age subgroups as above, pathology, extent of surgery and age were significant prognostic factors affecting overall survival. On another multivariate analysis with covariates of two surgical (total resection vs others) and two a9e (50> vs 50<) subgroups, then, pathology, extent of surgery and performance status were significant factors instead of age and 3-year cumulative survival rate for the five patients with these three favorable factors was 100$\%$ without serious sequela. Conclusion : We confirmed the role of postoperative conventional radiotherapy in the management of supratentorial malignant glioma by improving survival as compared with historical data of surgery only. Patients with anaplastic astrocytoma, good performance score, gross total resection and/or young age survived longest. Maximum surgical resection with acceptable preservation of neurologic function should be attempted in glioblastoma patients, especially in younger patients. But the survival of most globlastoma patients without favorable factors is still poor, so other active adjuvant treatment modalities should be tried or added rather than conventional radiation treatment alone in this subgroup.

• Pediatric Gastroenterology, Hepatology & Nutrition
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.139-146
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• 1999

Purpose: The aim of this study was to evaluate the clinical significance of 24 hour pH monitoring in the pediatric patients with recurrent vomiting or regurgitation. Methods: We performed 24 hour pH monitoring on 87 pediatric patients with recurrent vomiting or regurgitation using GastrograpH with glass electrode. The pathologic GER was determined by the reflux index (RI). RIs>10% were considered positive in patients <1 year of age, whereas RIs of >5% were positive in other age groups. We evaluated the mean and standard deviation of the reflux parameters between physiologic and pathologic GER groups, and also compared the reflux indices of each group with respect to time zones of the day. Results: Pathologic GER was found in 32 of 87 patients (36.8%), and the age incidence included 32.5% in infants <6 months old, 13.3% in infants aged 6 months-1 year old, 61.5% in children aged 1~2 years old, 14.3% in children aged 2~3 years old and 66.7% in children >3 years old. In physiologic GER patients, the RI was $3.7{\pm}2.9%$ for the patients <1 year old (group A), and $1.8{\pm}1.5%$ for those ${\geq}1$ year old (group B) which was statistically significant between the 2 age groups (p=0.02). The number of long refluxes more than 5 minutes was significantly increased (p=0.03) in group A ($1.7{\pm}1.9$) than in group B ($0.8{\pm}1.0$). The duration of the longest reflux was significantly longer (p=0.007) in group A ($604{\pm}551$ sec) than in group B ($275{\pm}296$ sec). In pathologic GER patients, the RI was $17.7{\pm}11.6%$ for the patients <1 year old and $7.8{\pm}2.9$ for those ${\geq}1$ year old. The number of long refluxes of more than 5 minutes were $8.9{\pm}4.6$ and $3.2{\pm}1.8$, and the duration of the longest reflux were $1955{\pm}2190$ sec and $1093{\pm}706$ sec for each age group. In both physiologic and pathologic GER patients, there was no significant difference of RI among the time zones of the day. Conclusion: Pathologic GER was found in 36.8% of patients. There was significant difference of RI between those <1 year old and those ${\geq}1$ year old in physiologic GER patients. There was no significant difference of RI among the time zones of the day in both pathologic and physiologic groups. In our study, the frequency of pathplogic GER was too much higher in age group of 1~2 years old (61.5%) than in group of 6 months-1 year old (13.3%), which means that further study is needed to determine the pathologic criteria of RI (Vandenplas criteria is >5%) in the age group of 1~2 years old.

• Clinical and Experimental Reproductive Medicine
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.41-48
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• 2007

Objective: To determine whether the presence of Y-chromosome microdeletion affects the outcome of in vitro fertilization (IVF) and intracytoplasmic sperm injection (ICSI) program. Methods: Fourteen couples with microdeletion in azoospermic factor (AZF)c region who attempted IVF/ICSI or cryopreserved and thawed embryo transfer cycles were enrolled. All of the men showed severe oligoasthenoteratoazoospermia (OATS) or azoospermia. As a control, 12 couples with OATS or azoospermia and having normal Y-chromosome were included. Both groups were divided into two subgroups by sperm source used in ICSI such as those who underwent testicular sperm extraction (TESE) and those used ejaculate sperm. We retrospectively analyzed our database in respect to the IVF outcomes. The outcome measures were mean number of good quality embryos, fertilization rates, implantation rates, $\beta$-hCG positive rates, early pregnancy loss and live birth rates. Results: Mean number of good quality embryos, implantation rates, $\beta$-hCG positive rates, early pregnancy loss rates and live birth rates were not significantly different between Y-chromosome microdeletion and control groups. But, fertilization rates in the Y-chromosome microdeletion group (61.1%) was significantly lower than that of control group (79.8%, p=0.003). Also, the subgroup underwent TESE and having AZFc microdeletion showed significantly lower fertilization rates (52.9%) than the subgroup underwent TESE and having normal Y-chromosome (79.5%, p=0.008). Otherwise, in the subgroups used ejaculate sperm, fertilization rates were showed tendency toward lower in couples having Y-chromosome microdeletion than couples with normal Y-chromosome. (65.5% versus 79.9%, p=0.082). But, there was no significance statistically. Conclusions: In IVF/ICSI cycles using TESE sperm, presence of V-chromosome microdeletion may adversely affect to fertilization ability of injected sperm. But, in cases of ejaculate sperm available for ICSI, IVF outcome was not affected by presence of Y-chromosome AZFc microdeletion. However, more larger scaled prospective study was needed to support our results.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.32 no.6
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• pp.698-708
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to investigate differences in the breeding call characteristics of cicada species found in urban and forest areas in the central region of Korea by examining the interspecific effects and environmental factors affecting the breeding calls and breeding call patterns. The selected research sites were Gyungnam Apartment in Bangbae-dong, Seoul for the urban area and Chiak Mountain National Park in Wonju for the forest area. The research method for both sites was to record cicada breeding calls for 24 hours with a recorder installed at the site and analyze the results. Data from the Korea Meteorological Administration were used for environmental factors. The research period was from June 19, 2017 to September 30, 2017. As a result of the study, there were differences in the emergence of species between the two research sites: while Platypleura kaempferi, Hyalessa fuscata, Meimuna opalifera, Graptopsaltria nigrofuscata, and Suisha coreana were observed at both sites, Cryptotympana atrata was observed in the urban area and Leptosemia takanonis in the forest area only. The emergence periods of cicadas at the two sites were also different. The activities of P. kaempferi and L. takanonis were noticeable in the forest area. In the urban area, however, L. takanonis was not observed and the duration of activity of P. kaempferi was short. In the urban area, C. atrata appeared and sang for a long period; H. fuscata, M. opalifera, and G. nigrofuscata appeared earlier than in the forest area. S. coreana appeared earlier in the forest area than in the urban area. According to the daily call cycle analysis, even cospecific cicada showed a wide variation in their daily cycle depending on the region and the interspecific effects between different cicadas, and the environmental differences between the urban and forest areas affected the calls of cicadas. The results of correlation analysis between each cicada breeding calls and environmental factors of each site showed positive correlation with average temperature of most cicadas except P. kaempferi and C. atrata. The same species of each site showed positive correlations with more diverse weather factors such as solar irradiance. Logistic regression analysis showed that cicadas with overlapping calling times had significant effects on each other's breeding calls. C. atrata, which appeared only in the urban area, had a positive effect on the calling frequency of H. fuscata, M. opalifera, and G. nigrofuscata, which called in the same period. Additionally, L. takanonis, which appeared only in the forest area, and P. kaempferi had a positive effect on each other, and M. opalifera had a positive effect on the calling frequency of H. fuscata and G. nigrofuscata in the forest area. For the environmental factors, the calling frequency of cicadas was affected by the average temperatures of the urban and forest areas, and cicadas that appeared in the forest area were also affected by the amount of solar radiation. According to the results of statistical analysis, urban cicadas with similar activity periods are influenced by species, especially with respect to urban dominant species, C. atrata. Forest cicadas were influenced by species, mainly M. opalifera, which is a forest dominant species. The results of the meteorological impact analysis were similar to those of the correlation analysis, and were influenced mainly by the temperature, and the influence of the insolation was more increased in the forests.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2018

Seo Byeong-o (徐丙五, 1862-1936) played a central role in the formation of the Daegu artistic community-which advocated artistic styles combining poetry, calligraphy and painting-during the Japanese colonial period, when the introduction of the Western concept of 'art' led to the adoption of Japanese and Western styles of painting in Korea. Seo first entered the world of calligraphy and painting after meeting Lee Ha-eung (李昰應, 1820-1898) in 1879, but his career as a scholar-artist only began in earnest after Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910. Seo's oeuvre can be broadly divided into three periods. In his initial period of learning, from 1879 to 1897, his artistic activity was largely confined to copying works from Chinese painting albums and painting works in the "Four Gentlemen" genre, influenced by the work of Lee Ha-eung, in his spare time. This may have been because Seo's principal aim at this time was to further his career as a government official. His subsequent period of development, which lasted from 1898 until 1920, saw him play a leading social role in such areas as the patriotic enlightenment movement until 1910, after which he reoriented his life to become a scholar-artist. During this period, Seo explored new styles based on the orchid paintings of Min Yeong-ik (閔泳翊, 1860-1914), whom he met during his second trip to Shanghai, and on the bamboo paintings of Chinese artist Pu Hua (蒲華, 1830-1911). At the same time, he painted in various genres including landscapes, flowers, and gimyeong jeolji (器皿折枝; still life with vessels and flowers). In his final mature period, from 1921 to 1936, Seo divided his time between Daegu and Seoul, becoming a highly active calligrapher and painter in Korea's modern art community. By this time his unique personal style, characterized by broad brush strokes and the use of abundant ink in orchid and bamboo paintings, was fully formed. Records on, and extant works from, Seo's early period are particularly rare, thus confining knowledge of his artistic activities and painting style largely to the realm of speculation. In this respect, eleven recently revealed nanjukseok (蘭竹石圖; orchid, bamboo and rock) paintings, produced by Seo in 1889, provide important clues about the origins and standards of his early-period painting style. This study uses a comparative analysis to confirm that Seo's orchid paintings show the influence of the early gunran (群蘭圖; orchid) and seongnan (石蘭圖; rock and orchid) paintings produced by Lee Ha-eung before his arrest by Qing troops in July 1882. Seo's bamboo paintings appear to show both that he adopted the style of Zheng Xie (鄭燮, 1693-1765) of the Yangzhou School (揚州畵派), a style widely known in Seoul from the late eighteenth century onward, and of Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a student of Joseon artist Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜,1786-1856), and that he attempted to apply a modified version of Lee Ha-eung's seongnan painting technique. It was not possible to find other works by Seo evincing a direct relationship with the curious rocks depicted in his 1889 paintings, but I contend that they show the influence of both the late-nineteenth-century-Qing rock painter Zhou Tang (周棠, 1806-1876) and the curious rock paintings of the middle-class Joseon artist Jeong Hak-gyo (丁學敎, 1832-1914). In conclusion, this study asserts that, for his 1889 nanjukseok paintings, Seo Byeong-o adopted the styles of contemporary painters such as Heo Ryeon and Jeong Hak-gyo, whom he met during his early period at the Unhyeongung through his connection with its occupant, Lee Ha-eung, and those of artists such as Zheng Xie and Zhou Tang, whose works he was able to directly observe in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.196-219
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• 2019

According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.4-24
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• 2009

This paper examined archaeological resources that discuss how Silla entered the Gangneung area, the coastal region along the East Sea that has been excavated most actively. Silla expanded its territories while organizing the its system as an ancient state and acquired several independent townships in various regions, stretching its forces to the East Sea area faster than any other ancient states of the time. In particular, many early relics and heritages of Silla have been found in Gangneung, the center of the East Sea area. Many archaeological resources prove these circumstances of that time and provide brief texts that are valuable for our interpretation of historical facts. In this respect, it was possible for me to examine these resources to answer my question as to why early relics and heritages of Silla are found in the Gangneung area. Based on my research on Silla's advancement into the Gangneung area, I have acquired the following results: How did Silla rule this area after conquering Yeguk in the Gangneung area? After conquering the Gangneung area, Silla attempted an indirect ruling at first. Later, Silla adopted a direct ruling system. I divided the indirect ruling period into two phases: introduction and settlement. In detail, Silla's earthenware and stone chamber tombs first appeared in Hasi-dong in the fourth quarter of the 4th Century and the tombs spread to Chodang-dong in the second quarter of the 5th Century. A belt with dragon pattern openwork, which seems to be from the second quarter of the 5th Century, was found to tell us that the Gangneung region began receiving rewards from Silla during this time. Thus, the period from the fourth quarter of the 4th Century to the second quarter of the 5th Century is designated as the 1st Phase (Introduction) of indirect ruling in terms of aechaeological findings. This is when Silla was first advanced to the Gangneung area and tolerated independent administration of the conquered. In the third and fourth quarters of the 5th Century, old mound tombs appeared and burials of relics that symbolized power emerged. In the third quarter of the 5th Century, stone chamber tombs were prevalent, but wooden chamber tombs, stone mounded wooden chamber tombs, and lateral entrance stone chamber tombs began to emerge. Also, tombs that were clustered in Hasi-dong and Chodang-dong began to scatter to Byeongsan-dong, Yeongjin-ri, and Bangnae-ri nearby. Steel pots were the symbol of power that emerged at this time. In the fourth quarter of the 5th Century, stone chamber tombs were still dominating, but wooden chamber tombs, stone mounded wooden chamber tombs, and lateral entrance stone chamber tombs became more popular. More crowns, crown ornaments, big daggers, and belts were bestowed by Silla, mostly in Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong. The period from the third quarter to the fourth quarter of the 5th Century was designated as the 2nd Phase (Settlement) of indirect ruling in terms of aechaeological findings. At this time, Silla bestowed items of power to the ruling class of the Gangneung area and gave equal power to the rulers of Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong to keep them restrained by each other. However, Silla converted the ruling system to direct ruling once it recognized the Gangneung area as the base of its expedition of conquest to the north. In the first quarter of the 6th Century, old mound tombs disappeared and small/medium-sized mounds appeared in the western inlands and the northern areas. In this period, the tunnel entrance stone chamber tombs were large enough for people to enter with doors. A cluster of several tunnel entrance stone chamber tombs was formed in Yeongjin-ri and Bangnae-ri at this time, probably with the influence of Silla's direct ruling. In the first quarter of the 6th Century, Silla dispatched officers from the central government to complete the local administration system and replaced the ruling class of Chodang-dong and Byeongsan-dong with that of Silla-friendly Yeonjin-ri and Bangnae-ri to reorganize the local administration system and gain full control of the Gangneung area.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.80-105
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• 2019

With the increasing complexity and irregularity of disaster types, the need for cultural asset preservation and management from a proactive perspective has increased as a number of cultural properties have been destroyed and damaged by various natural and humanistic factors. In consideration of these circumstances, the Cultural Heritage Administration enacted an Act in December 2005 to enforce the regular commission of surveys for the systematic preservation and management of cultural assets, and through a recent revision of this Act, the investigation cycle has been reduced from five to three years, and the object of regular inspections has been expanded to cover registered cultural properties. According to the ordinance, a periodic survey of city- or province-designated heritage is to be carried out mainly by metropolitan and provincial governments. The Seoul Metropolitan Government prepared a legal basis for commissioning regular surveys under the Seoul Special City Cultural Properties Protection Ordinance 2008 and, in recognition of the importance of preventive management due to the large number of cultural assets located in the city center and the high demand for visits, conducted regular surveys of the entire city-designated cultural assets from 2016 to 2018. Upon the first survey being completed, it was considered necessary to review the policy effectiveness of the system and to conduct a comprehensive review of the results of the regular surveys that had been carried out to enhance the management of cultural assets. Therefore, the present study examined the comprehensive management status of the cultural assets designated by the Seoul Metropolitan Government for three years (2016-2018), assessing the performance and identifying limitations. Additionally, ways to improve it were sought, and a DB establishment plan for the establishment of an integrated management system under the auspices of the Seoul Metropolitan Government was proposed. Specifically, survey forms were administered under the Guidelines for the Operation of Periodic Surveys of National Designated Cultural Assets; however, the types of survey forms were reclassified and further subdivided in consideration of the characteristics of the designated cultural assets, and manuals were developed for consistent and specific information technologies in respect of the scope and manner of the survey. Based on this analysis, it was confirmed that 401 cases (77.0%) out of 521 cases were generally well preserved; however, 102 cases (19.6%) were found to require special measures such as attention, precision diagnosis, and repair. Meanwhile, there were 18 cases (3.4%) of unsurveyed cultural assets. These were inaccessible to the investigation at this time due to reasons such as unknown location or closure to the public. Regarding the specific types of cultural assets, among a total of 171 cultural real estate properties, 63 cases (36.8%) of structural damage were caused by the failure and elimination of members, and 73 cases (42.7%) of surface area damage were the result of biological damage. Almost all plants and geological earth and scenic spots were well preserved. In the case of movable cultural assets, 25 cases (7.1%) among 350 cases were found to have changed location, and structural damage and surface area damage was found according to specific material properties, excluding ceramics. In particular, papers, textiles, and leather goods, with material properties that are vulnerable to damage, were found to have greater damage than those of other materials because they were owned and managed by individuals and temples. Thus, it has been confirmed that more proactive management is needed. Accordingly, an action plan for the comprehensive preservation and management status check shall be developed according to management status and urgency, and the project promotion plan and the focus management target should be selected and managed first. In particular, concerning movable cultural assets, there have been some cases in which new locations have gone unreported after changes in ownership (management); therefore, a new system is required to strengthen the obligation to report changes in ownership (management) or location. Based on the current status diagnosis and improvement measures, it is expected that the foundation of a proactive and efficient cultural asset management system can be realized through the establishment of an effective mid- to long-term database of the integrated management system pursued by the Seoul Metropolitan Government.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.35-59
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• 2018

Professor Bin Cheng said that outer space was res extra commercium, while the moon and the other celestial bodies were res nullius before the 1967 Outer Space Treaty(OST). However, Article 2 of the OST made the moon and other celestial bodies have the legal status as res extra commmercium, not appropriated by any country or private enterprises or individual person, but the resources there can be freely available, as those on the high seas. The non-appropriation principle was introduced to corpus juris spatialis internationalis. Whether or not the non-appropriation principle is binding for the non-parties of the OST, many scholars see this principle as an international customary law, even developing into jus cogens. Article 11(2) of the Moon Agreement(MA) reconfirms the nonappropriation principle of Article 2 of the OST, but it has much less effect than the OST because the MA binds only the 18 parties involved. The MA applies only to the moon and celestial bodies other than the Earth in the Solar System, the OST's application scope extends to the Galaxy because the OST has no such substantive enactment. As referred to in the 2015 CSLCA of USA or Luxembourg's Law of Space Resources, allowing individuals and enterprises run by other countries to commercially explore and utilize the space resources, the question may arise whether this violates the non-appropriation principle under Article 2 of the OST and Article 11 of the MA. In the case of the CSLCA, the law explicitly specifies that sovereignty, possessory rights, and judiciary rights to a specific celestial body cannot be claimed, let alone ownership. This author believes that this law respects the legal status of outer space and the celestial bodies as res extra commmercium. As long as any countries or private enterprises or individuals respect the non-appropriation principle of outer space and the celestial bodies, they could use, exploit it. Another question might be raised in the difference between res extra commercium on the high seas and res extra commercium in outer space and the celestial bodies. Collecting resources on the high seas and exploiting space resources should be interpreted differently. On the high seas, resources can be collected without any obstacles like fishing, whereas, in the case of the deep sea-bed area, the Common Heritage of Mankind principles under the UNCLOS should be operated by the International Seabed Authority as an international regime. The nature or form of the sea resources found on the high seas are thus different from that of space resources, which are fixed on the moon and the celestial bodies without water. Thus, if individuals or private enterprises collect these resources from outer space and the celestial bodies, they might secure a certain section and continue collecting or mining works without any limitation. If an American enterprise receives an approval from the U.S. government, secures the best location and collects resources on the moon, can other countries' enterprises access to this area? How large the exploiting place can be allotted on the moon? How long should such a exploiting activity be lasted? Under the current international space law, these matters might be handled according to the principle of "first come, first served." As a consequence, the international community should provide a guideline or a proposal for the settlement of any foreseeable disputes during the space activity to solve plausible space legal questions in the near future.