• Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.32-43
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• 2009

Trust has been studied extensively in psychology, economics, and sociology, and its importance has been emphasized not only in marketing, but also in business disciplines in general. Unlike past relationships between suppliers and buyers, which take considerable advantage of private networks and may involve unethical business practices, partnerships between suppliers and buyers are at the core of success for industrial marketing amid intense global competition in the 21st century. A high level of mutual cooperation occurs through an exchange relationship based on trust, which brings long-term benefits, competitive enhancements, and transaction cost reductions, among other benefits, for both buyers and suppliers. In spite of the important role of trust, existing studies in buy-supply situations overlook the role of trust and do not systematically analyze the effect of trust on relational performance. Consequently, an in-depth study that determines the relation of trust to the relational performance between buyers and suppliers of business services is absolutely needed. Business services in this study, which include those supporting the manufacturing industry, are drawing attention as the economic growth engine for the next generation. The Korean government has selected business services as a strategic area for the development of manufacturing sectors. Since the demands for opening business services markets are becoming fiercer, the competitiveness of the business service industry must be promoted now more than ever. The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of the mutual trust between buyers and suppliers on relational performance. Specifically, this study proposed a theoretical model of trust-relational performance in the transactions of business services and empirically tested the hypotheses delineated from the framework. The study suggests strategic implications based on research findings. Empirical data were collected via multiple methods, including via telephone, mail, and in-person interviews. Sample companies were knowledge-based companies supplying and purchasing business services in Korea. The present study collected data on a dyadic basis. Each pair of sample companies includes a buying company and its corresponding supplying company. Mutual trust was traced for each pair of companies. This study proposes a model of trust-relational performance of buying-supplying for business services. The model consists of trust and its antecedents and consequences. The trust of buyers is classified into trust toward the supplying company and trust toward salespersons. Viewing trust both at the individual level and the organizational level is based on the research of Doney and Cannon (1997). Normally, buyers are the subject of trust, but this study supposes that suppliers are the subjects. Hence, it uniquely focused on the bilateral perspective of perceived risk. In other words, suppliers, like buyers, are the subject of trust since transactions are normally bilateral. From this point of view, suppliers' trust in buyers is as important as buyers' trust in suppliers. The suppliers' trust is influenced by the extent to which it trusts the buying companies and the buyers. This classification of trust using an individual level and an organization level is based on the suggestion of Doney and Cannon (1997). Trust affects the process of supplier selection, which works in a bilateral manner. Suppliers are actively involved in the supplier selection process, working very closely with buyers. In addition, the process is affected by the extent to which each party trusts its partners. The selection process consists of certain steps: recognition, information search, supplier selection, and performance evaluation. As a result of the process, both buyers and suppliers evaluate the performance and take corrective actions on the basis of such outcomes as tangible, intangible, and/or side effects. The measurement of trust used for the present study was developed on the basis of the studies of Mayer, Davis and Schoorman (1995) and Mayer and Davis (1999). Based on their recommendations, the three dimensions of trust used for the study include ability, benevolence, and integrity. The original questions were adjusted to the context of the transactions of business services. For example, a question such as "He/she has professional capabilities" has been changed to "The salesperson showed professional capabilities while we talked about our products." The measurement used for this study differs from those used in previous studies (Rotter 1967; Sullivan and Peterson 1982; Dwyer and Oh 1987). The measurements of the antecedents and consequences of trust used for this study were developed on the basis of Doney and Cannon (1997). The original questions were adjusted to the context of transactions in business services. In particular, questions were developed for both buyers and suppliers to address the following factors: reputation (integrity, customer care, good-will), market standing (company size, market share, positioning in the industry), willingness to customize (product, process, delivery), information sharing (proprietary information, private information), willingness to maintain relationships, perceived professionalism, authority empowerment, buyer-seller similarity, and contact frequency. As a consequential variable of trust, relational performance was measured. Relational performance is classified into tangible effects, intangible effects, and side effects. Tangible effects include financial performance; intangible effects include improvements in relations, network developing, and internal employee satisfaction; side effects include those not included either in the tangible or intangible effects. Three hundred fifty pairs of companies were contacted, and one hundred five pairs of companies responded. After deleting five company pairs because of incomplete responses, one hundred five pairs of companies were used for data analysis. The response ratio of the companies used for data analysis is 30% (105/350), which is above the average response ratio in industrial marketing research. As for the characteristics of the respondent companies, the majority of the companies operate service businesses for both buyers (85.4%) and suppliers (81.8%). The majority of buyers (76%) deal with consumer goods, while the majority of suppliers (70%) deal with industrial goods. This may imply that buyers process the incoming material, parts, and components to produce the finished consumer goods. As indicated by their report of the length of acquaintance with their partners, suppliers appear to have longer business relationships than do buyers. Hypothesis 1 tested the effects of buyer-supplier characteristics on trust. The salesperson's professionalism (t=2.070, p<0.05) and authority empowerment (t=2.328, p<0.05) positively affected buyers' trust toward suppliers. On the other hand, authority empowerment (t=2.192, p<0.05) positively affected supplier trust toward buyers. For both buyers and suppliers, the degree of authority empowerment plays a crucial role in the maintenance of their trust in each other. Hypothesis 2 tested the effects of buyerseller relational characteristics on trust. Buyers tend to trust suppliers, as suppliers make every effort to contact buyers (t=2.212, p<0.05). This tendency has also been shown to be much stronger for suppliers (t=2.591, p<0.01). On the other hand suppliers trust buyers because suppliers perceive buyers as being similar to themselves (t=2.702, p<0.01). This finding confirmed the results of Crosby, Evans, and Cowles (1990), which reported that suppliers and buyers build relationships through regular meetings, either for business or personal matters. Hypothesis 3 tested the effects of trust on perceived risk. It has been found that for both suppliers and buyers the lower is the trust, the higher is the perceived risk (t=-6.621, p<0.01 for buyers; t=-2.437, p<0.05). Interestingly, this tendency has been shown to be much stronger for buyers than for suppliers. One possible explanation for this higher level of perceived risk is that buyers normally perceive higher risks than do suppliers in transactions involving business services. For this reason, it is necessary for suppliers to implement risk reduction strategies for buyers. Hypothesis 4 tested the effects of trust on information searching. It has been found that for both suppliers and buyers, contrary to expectation, trust depends on their partner's reputation (t=2.929, p<0.01 for buyers; t=2.711, p<0.05 for suppliers). This finding shows that suppliers with good reputations tend to be trusted. Prior experience did not show any significant relationship with trust for either buyers or suppliers. Hypothesis 5 tested the effects of trust on supplier/buyer selection. Unlike buyers, suppliers tend to trust buyers when they think that previous transactions with buyers were important (t=2.913 p<0.01). However, this study did not show any significant relationship between source loyalty and the trust of buyers in suppliers. Hypothesis 6 tested the effects of trust on relational performances. For buyers and suppliers, financial performance reportedly improved when they trusted their partners (t=2.301, p<0.05 for buyers; t=3.692, p<0.01 for suppliers). It is interesting that this tendency was much stronger for suppliers than it was for buyers. Similarly, competitiveness was reported to improve when buyers and suppliers trusted their partners (t=3.563, p<0.01 for buyers; t=3.042, p<0.01 for suppliers). For suppliers, efficiency and productivity were reportedly improved when they trusted buyers (t=2.673, p<0.01). Other performance indices showed insignificant relationships with trust. The findings of this study have some strategic implications. First and most importantly, trust-based transactions are beneficial for both suppliers and buyers. As verified in the study, financial performance can be improved through efforts to build and maintain mutual trust. Similarly, competitiveness can be increased through the same kinds of effort. Second, trust-based transactions can facilitate the reduction of perceived risks inherent in the purchasing situation. This finding has implications for both suppliers and buyers. It is generally believed that buyers perceive higher risks in a highly involved purchasing situation. To reduce risks, previous studies have recommended that suppliers devise risk-reducing tactics. Moving beyond these recommendations, the present study uniquely focused on the bilateral perspective of perceived risk. In other words, suppliers are also susceptible to perceived risks, especially when they supply services that require very technical and sophisticated manipulations and maintenance. Consequently, buyers and suppliers must solve problems together in close collaboration. Hence, mutual trust plays a crucial role in the problem-solving process. Third, as found in this study, the more authority a salesperson has, the more he or she can be trusted. This finding is very important with regard to tactics. Building trust is a long-term assignment; however, when mutual trust has not been developed, suppliers can overcome the problems they encounter by empowering a salesperson with the authority to make certain decisions. This finding applies to suppliers as well.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.172-205
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• 2011

Go bears significant meanings in terms of cultural and entertaining functions in Asia Eastern such as China and Japan. Beyond the mere entertaining level, it produces philosophical and mythic discourse as well. As a part of effort to seek an identity of Korean traditional garden culture, this study traced back to find meanings of rock-go-board and taste for the arts which ancestors pursued in playing Go game, through analysis and interpretation of correlation among origin of place name, nearby scenery, carved letters and vicinal handed-down place name. At the same time, their position, shape and location types were interpreted through comprehensive research and analysis of stone-go-boards including rock-go-board. Particularly, it focused on the rock names related to Sundoism(仙道) Ideal world, fixed due to a connection between traces of Sundoism and places in a folk etymology. Series of this work is to highlight features of the immortal sceneries, one of traditional landscaping ideals, by understanding place identity and scenic features of where the rock-go-boards are carved. These works are expected to become foundation for promotion and preservation of the traditional landscaping remains. The contents of this study could be summarized as follows; First, round stone and square board for round sky and angled land, black and white color for harmony of yin and yang and 361paths for rotating sky are symbols projecting order of universe. Sayings of Gyuljungjirak(橘中之樂), Sangsansaho(商山四皓), Nangagosa(爛柯故事) formed based on the idea of eternity stand for union of sky and sun. It indicates Go game which matches life and nature spatiotemporally and elegant taste for arts pursuing beauty and leisure. Second, the stone-go-boards found through this research, are 18 in total. 3 of those(16.1%), Gangjin Weolnamsaji, Yangsan Sohanjeong and Banryongdae ones were classified into movable Seokguk and 15(83.9%) including Banghakdong were turned out to be non-movable rock-go-boards carved on natural rocks. Third, upon the result of materializing location types of rock-go-boards, 15 are mountain stream type(83.9%) and 3 are rock peak type(16.1%). Among those, the one at Sobaeksam Sinseonbong is located at the highest place(1,389m). Considering the fact that all of 15 rock-go-boards were found at mountainous areas lower than 500m, it is recognizable that where the Go-boards are the parts of the living space, not far from secular world. Fourth, there are 7 Sunjang(巡將) Go with 17 Hwajeoms(花點), which is a traditional Go board type, but their existences, numbers and shapes of Hwajeom appear variously. Based on the fact, it is recognizable that culture of making go-board had been handed down for an extended period of time. Among the studied rock-goboards, the biggest one was Muju Sasunam[$80(82)cm{\times}80(82)cm$] while the smallest one was Yangsan Sohandjeong Seokguk ($40cm{\times}40cm$). The dimension of length and breadth are both $49cm{\times}48cm$ on average, which is realistic size for actual Go play. Fifth, the biggest bed rock, an under-masonry with carved Go-board on it, was one in Muju Sasunam[$8.7m{\times}7.5m(65.25m^2)$], followed by ones in Hoengseong Chuiseok[$7.8m{\times}6.3m(49.14m^2$] and Goisan Sungukam[$6.7m{\times}5.7m(37.14m^2)$]. Meanwhile, the smallest rock-go-board was turned out to be one in Seoul Banghak-dong. There was no consistency in directions of the Go-boards, which gives a hint that geographical features and sceneries of locations were considered first and then these were carved toward an optimal direction corresponding to the conditions. Sixth, rock-go-boards were all located in valleys and peaks of mountains with breathtaking scenery. It seems closely related to ancestors' taste for arts. Particularly, rock-go-boards are apprehended as facilities related to taste for arts for having leisure in many mountains and big streams under the idea of union of sky and human as a primitive communal line. Go became a medium of hermits, which is a traditional image of Go-game, and symbol of amusement and entertainment with the idea that Go is an essence of scholar culture enabling to reach the Tao of turning back to nature. Seventh, the further ancient time going back to, the more dreamlike the Go-boards are. It is an evident for that Sundoism, which used to be unacceptable once, became more visible and realistic. Considering the high relation between rock-go-boards and Sundoism relevant names such as Sundoism peak in Danyang Sobaeksan, 4 hermits rock in Muju and Sundoism hermit rock in Jangsu, Sundoism hermit rocks and rock-go-boards are sceneries and observation spots to express a communication of worship and longing for Sundoism. Eighth, 3 elements-physical environment such as location type of the rock-go-boards, human activities concentrated on 8 sceneries and Dongcheongugok(洞天九曲) setup and relevancy to Confucian scholars, as well as 'Sangsansaho' motif and 'Nangagosa' symbolic meaning were used as interpretation tools in order to judge the place identity. Upon the result, spatial investigation is required with respect to Sunyoodongcheon(仙遊洞天) concept based on enjoyment to unify with the nature rather than Dongcheongugok concept of neo-Confucian, for Dongcheon and Dongmoon(洞門) motives carved around the rock-go-boards. Generally, places where mountain stream type rock-go-boards were formed were hermit spaces of Confucianism or Sundoism. They are considered to have compromised one other with the change of times. Particularly, in the rock-go-board at the mountain peak, sublimity-oriented advent of Sundoism is considered as a significant factor to control place identity. Ninth, including where the rock-go-boards were established, the vicinal areas are well-known as parts of Dongcheongugok and Palkyung(八景) mostly. In addition, many of Sundoism relevant expressions were discovered even in the neighboring carvings written by scholars and nobility, which means sophisticated taste based on longing for Sundoism world played a significant role in making go-board. The rock-go-board is an integration of cultural phenomena naturally managed by seclusion of scholars in the Joseon Dynasty as well as remains and essence of Korean traditional landscaping. Some rock-go-boards out of 17 discovered in South Korea, including ones in Sobaeksan Sinsunbong, Banghak-dong, Chungju Gongili, Muju Sasunam, Yangsan Eogokdong Banryongdae Seokguk, are damaged such as cracks in rocks or fainted lines by hardships of time and hand stains. Worse yet, in case of Eunyang Bangudae Jipcheongjeong board, it is very difficult to identify the shape due to being buried. Rock-go-boards are valuable sculptures in terms of cultural asset and artwork since they reflect ancestors' love for nature and longing for Sundoism world. Therefore, they should be maintained properly with right preservation method. Not only rock-boards itself but also peripheral places are excellent cultural heritages and crucial cultural assets. In addition, vicinal sceneries of where rock-goboards and pavilion spots are the representative remains of embracing prototype of Korean traditional landscaping and major parts of cultural properties.

• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.37-46
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• 2011

Since the Korean retail industry was made accessible to the big conglomerates and foreign retail companies, local traditional markets have faced serious problems. To sustain the local traditional markets' survival, the Korean government established various remedial policies for addressing, and many scholars published articles to suggest how to find solutions to, the problem. Unfortunately, the results have not been satisfactory. The purpose of this study is to find another way to help the Korean traditional retail market, from the view point of the Green Growth Policy, an initiative designed to address environmentally balanced economic growth in Korea. In order to survive and to maintain sustainable growth, it is incumbent upon retailers in the traditional market to understand the concept of the Green Growth Policy. A survey was conducted as a means of testing the degree of awareness of the Green Growth Policy, as well as determining the relationship between the degree of awareness and the degree of organizational commitment by the retailers in the local traditional markets. Interestingly, we were able to detect some of the features (e.g., they were distinguished by the elderly and the young, as well as low level of education and high level of education) in the traditional market retailers' demographic characteristics. We utilized the analysis of variance (ANOVA) statistical method to simultaneously compare the differences in retailers' demographic characteristics; the results were as follows: Overall, the results showed that the awareness of the Green Growth Policy, the degree of trust in the government's policy, levels of self-efficacy, and levels of organizational commitment were higher with the older traditional market retailers than the younger traditional market retailers. Specifically, the degree of trust in government policies (F=9.964,p < .05), levels of self-efficacy (F=5.532,p < .05), and levels of organizational commitment (F=5.697,p < .05) were statistically significant. Moreover, in the portion of the study that addressed the difference between education levels, all the variables were averaged in the higher education category of the traditional market retailers. Specifically, awareness levels of the Green Growth Policy (F=8.564,p < .005) and levels of self-efficacy (F=6.754,p < .005) were statistically significant. These results revealed that the traditional market retailers' demographic characteristics should be considered important factors in order to realize their policy. The results of the study showed the following: 1) The degree of awareness of the government's Green Growth Policy was statistically significant as it related to traditional market retailers' organizational commitment. 2) The degree of trust of the government's policy was significantly moderated between the awareness of the government's Green Growth Policy and the traditional market retailers' organizational commitment. This result demonstrates that the traditional market retailers' awareness of the government's Green Growth Policy will show more organizational commitment with higher levels of trust of the government's policy. 3) It also revealed that traditional market retailers' self-efficacy was fully mediated between the awareness of the Green Growth Policy of the government and traditional market retailers' organizational commitment. The results suggest that the government should show an interest in showing traditional market retailers how to enhance their traditional markets. Implications and future research directions are also discussed.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.383-421
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• 2017

Because the Jitsori and the Hotsori of the Beompae(the Korean Budhhist chant) has no meter and no Jangdan(a Rhythmic cycle of the Korean Music), so it is hard to analyze the melody of the Beompae. Also the melody of the Beompae is different from that of the other Korean traditional music, so studying of the Beompae has been out of the limelight of many scholars, studying the Korean music. But the melody of Beompae had been handed down for thousands of years in Korea, it and other Korean trditional music, had exchanged the impacts each other for a longtime. So I thinks that the Korean Beomapae have shared the similarity of the musical features with the other Korean traditional music. Because the Beompae of the Bulmosan Yeongsanjae on the Geongsangnamdo province has also no meters and no Jangdan, it is difficult to understand, too. But because the Onghoge of Bulmosan Yeongsanjae have a well-regulated melodic structure in comparison with the Beompae of the Seoul province, so called Geongjae Beompae, it seem to be easy to analyze its melody. So I will analyze the melody of Bulmosan Yeongsanjae Onghoge. This analyze should be contribute to investigate the rule of the melodic progress method on the convoluted Beompae melody. Onghoge has been sung on the procedure for Siryeon, Samsiniun(Goebuliun), Jojeonjeoman, Sinjungjakbeop. And the monk for the ritual has sung the chant first to purify the ritual place and to protect the soul. They has called the song, Onghoge a Jitsori at the Bulmosan Yeongsanjae preservation society of the Gyeongnam province. Commonly, there were Jitsori and Hotsori in the Beompae melody, and the melody of Jitsori is longer than that of the Hotsori. So, the melody of Onghoge is lengthened. In other word, the melody of the Onghoge show the lengthened and curved melodic feture of the Beompae very well. Hahn Manyeong, who had studied on the Beompae, Budhhist chant, said that the Hotsori has five letters in a phrase, and there were 4 phrases in a song. And he had insisted that the form of the song, Hotsori, is ABAB. I analyze the melody of the Onghoge by the Hahn's method. I will extract the Wonjeom(a primary tone of a skeletal melodic structure) from the melody of Onghoge, and in the progress of the Wonjeom of Onghoge melodies, I will arrange the repeat of the Wonjeom melody. It is a structural melody of Onghoge. The first phrase of Bulmosan Yeongsanjae Onghoge, 'Pal bu geum gang ho do ryang(八部金剛護道場)' have 4 structural melodies, the second phrase 'Gong sin sog bu bo cheon wang(空神速赴報天王)', the third phrase 'Sam gye je cheon ham le jip(三界諸天咸來集)', the firth phrase 'Yeo geum bul chal bo jeong sang(如今佛刹補禎祥)' have 2 structural melodies each. The structural melodies of Onghoge are 10 in total. And the structural melody of the Onghoge is formed the shape of 'Mi - La - do - La - Mi'. All of the Onghoge melodies is repeated 10 times by the melodic shape. The form of the Onghoge is not ABAB by Hahn, but is 10 times repeat of the shape.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.24_2
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• pp.231-270
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• 2015

This thesis examined Chu Hsi's self-cultivation theory as the representative theory of cultivation in Confucianism, while juxtaposing it to self-cultivation theory in Daesoon thought, concentrating on its similarity and difference. Neo-Confucianism is a scholarship which has wielded a tremendous influence upon East Asia, while functioning as an official scholarship for long period up to Yuan, Ming, and Ching period, after achieving its synthesis by Chu Hsi. After 13th century, Neo-Confucianism has been a representative academic system in Confucianism, and self-cultivation theory was in its center. It suggested various virtues that classical scholars have to equip to fulfill the sainthood and the politics of royal road. The self-cultivation theory of Chu Hsi was developed upon the basis of the theory 'Li-Qi' and the theory of mind. Here, the practice of Geokyung(morally awakened state with a reverent spirit in every moment) and Gyeokmul-tsiji(reaching into the utmost knowledge through investigation of things) formed a nucleus of Chu Hsi's self-cultivation theory. While Geokyung was to reveal one's true nature through cultivation of mind, Gyeokmul-tsiji was to demonstrate the complete use of mind's essence and function. Chu Hsi's self-cultivation theory attempted to realize the unity of heaven and man, and through cultivating self and governing people, it also tried to achieve its ideal of the society of Great Union(Daedong). Daesoon Thought is originated from Sangjenim who has descended to this world as a human being called Jeungsan. He went on his circuit to rectify the disorder of heaven and earth for 9 years to rectify the Three worlds of heaven, earth and human being which were faced with total annihilation due to its rule of mutual conflict, while creating an earthly paradise. Respecting the will of Sangjenim, Dojunim established the foundation of Do through launching 'Meukeukdo' and setting tenet, creed and object so that the cultivators (Doins) could believe and respect the truth of Sangje's great itineration (Daesoon). Among those, the two components of creed, which are four fundamental principles and the three fundamental attitudes are of great account as precept and cardinal point. Through this means, the cultivators of Daesoonjinrihoe aspire to guard against self-deception through transforming the human spirit, to realize earthly immortality through renewing human beings, and to create an earthly paradise through transforming the world. This thesis attempted to compare and analyze the theory of self-cultivation in Neo-Confucianism and Daesoon Thought in the aspect of ground, method, and object of cultivation. First, as for the ground of cultivation, the doctrines of Chu-tzu and Daesoon thought place the essence of cultivation on 'heaven'. Yet, whereas the former postulates Taekeuk (the Great Ultimate) as a principle as well as the heaven of a natural order, Daesoon thought postulates Sangenim as the heaven of superintendence as well as the heaven of a natural order, signified as its equation of Daesoon with circle, along with the unity of Meukeuk (Endlessness) and Taegeuk (the Great Ultimate). Further, the doctrine of Chu-zhu and Daesoon thought is identical in the point that both thoughts see mind as the subject of cultivation, while trying to restore a pure essence. Nevertheless, whereas Neo-Confucianism intends to give scope to ability of the complete use of mind's essence and function, Daesoon Thought sees mind as the essence which is used by spiritual beings and as an organ that heaven, earth and human being rely upon as the center of the universe. In the aspect of method of cultivation, the doctrine of Chuzhu lays emphasis on the rational factor in that it brightens its 'myung-deoki'(bright inner virtue),' while trying to correspond to the law of heaven on the basis of 'Geokyung' and 'Gyeokmul-tsiji.' On the contrary, Daesoon thought lays much emphasis on faith factor in that it aspires for human perfection based on the restoration of conscience by cultivating Daesoonjinri with sincerity, reverence and faith along with 'quieting the heart-mind', 'quieting the body', 'respecting the God of the Ninth Heaven', and 'observing ritual practice on the basis of the faith in Sangjenim. Yet, both thoughts have similarities in that cultivation of body forms the basis and that they attempt to realize their ideals through cultivation in daily life while taking 'Guarding against self-deception' as the key method of self-cultivation.' However, the principle of Chu-zhu can be said to be a voluntary and autonomous practice based on scripture of the saint as well as self-reflection. On the other hand, Daesoon thought reveals certain difference in that it combines faith factor with one's self-effort by concentrating on cultivation under the presence of Sangjenim as the object of belief and the spirits of heaven and earth. In the aspect of object of cultivation, both thoughts share similarities in that the saint and the perfected gentleman with a moral virtue as an ideal image of men in both thoughts attempt to realize each of their 'myung-deok' in human nature as a heavenly mandate while respecting morality. Further, they also share similarity in the point that the desirable characters in both thoughts want to participate in harmonious creation and nurturance. Yet, the perfected gentleman with a moral virtue is also characterized by its aim for a new heaven and earth where there is no mutual conflict but mutual beneficence, by promoting the moral influence and virtue of Sangjenim over one's own virtue, while practising the mutual beneficence of all life through harmonious union of divine beings and human beings.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.281-312
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• 2011

The aim of this study is to examine various life conditions of actors of Joseon periods in unofficial historical stories. Yadam Literature(Korean unofficial historical stories) had been collected Sadaebu(the past Korean nobility and Confucian intelligentsia) among the people that stories had been handed down orally. and they had been wrote them. So Yadam Literature was heterozygous between the folk culture and the ruling class. And it was mixed and adapted legends and folktales, adding literary imagination. had a decisive role to cultivating novel that owed much to prosaic inspiration during A. D. 18~19. Besides, set a high value on excellent novel itself. Yadam Literature had a verisimilitude because it described a contemporary reality as it was founded on freely prosaic inspiration. In those days, so called Suchok and Seunggwangdae had performed Uhee(a comic theatrical performance) in Joseon periods. Suchok was the lowest class of people and Seunggwangdae was performing Buddhist monk in that time. Uhee had performed three kinds of comedies. One satirized and insinuated kings. Other satirized corrupt officials, too. Another had mimic everything. It is famous at that time as a king knew repertoire. Confucian scholars very were fond of Uhee in those ages. Because they favored a criticism of Uhee's satire. They thought that it gave people good lesson or instruction. Heri Bergson said that comic and Humor included lesson. At that time, those thought were universal in the world whether east or west. At any rate, I classify six kinds of types Uhee in Yadam Literature. First, satirizing and accusing corrupt officials. Second, an actor who use a satire in order to appeal secure a government position of his lord to a king. Third, shamans and actors who use a satire in order to appeal sufferings themselves to a king. Forth, actors and performing Buddhist monks that skillfully mimic anything. Fifth, describing actor's extremely miserable life. Sixth, wit and humor of actors. The contents of Uhee were various. Korean traditional actors adeptly dealt with aspects comic of wit, satire, humor, etc. Sometimes they used changeable transition them. By doing that, a great number of people enjoyed fully the sense of freedom. Korean traditional actors were the lowest class of people. They had lived extremely miserable life. But they had been exist as actions, interactions, and relationship in society those days. they were not only open to people, but also might foster community to peoples.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.347-378
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• 2009

Those who were from Jaeincheon and Jaein line entertainers played great roles during transition period from traditional society to modern society, and even at present the dances of them are the representative traditional dances of Korea and the matrix of Korean originality. Nevertheless, Korea dance field has given little importance to these dances, but too much importance to Gibang dance in studying traditional dances, which causes the studies on Jaein line danced to be superficial or separate. Therefore, the aims of this article are to analyze the dances of Jaein line by Han Seong-jun, who was representative for the dances, and to appraise the historical value of them. Han Seong-jun(1874-1942) was the most influential dummer and dancer of his day in Japanese colonial times, and has been recognized as one of the masters of traditional dances. He established autonomy of traditional dances by reorganizing, collecting and stage-formalizing the dances, and systemized transmitting ways for various folk dances including a Buddhist dance, which made it possiblefor those dances to be traditional dances of Korea and the bases for creative dances. The values of Jaein line dances, which were transmitted through Han, are the following: First, the dances have been designated as national or regional intangible cultural assets, and, as the representative traditional arts, we proudly show them to the world. Second, the dances, as one of the genres of Korean dances, are the subjects of younger scholars' studies. Third, the dances become one of the representative examples of revivals of traditional dances, which tend to be extinct during modernization times, and contribute to establishing national identity and subjectivity. In addition, they contribute to discovering and transmitting other traditional dances. Fourth, the dances enable many dancers to make association, that is, Association for Preservation of Traditional Dances,for the transmitting the dances, and to distribute the dances and get many dancers to transmit the dances. Furthermore, as new performance repertories, they give another pleasure to the audience. In addition to the above, as a base for expansion of Korean creative dances, Han's dances have other values such as the following: First, in searching for a new methodology for creation, he played an important role in rediscovering the foundation in the tradition, and tried to discover nationalidentity by employing the traditional dances for expression of theme. Second, he contributed to drastically dissolving the genres by expanding the gesture language from motion factors of traditional dances, which can be compared to the modern dance. Third, he tried new challenging approaches to re-create the tradition, and contributed to pursuing the simple elements of our traditional dances as traditional aesthetics. While the dances of Jaein line have such values as the above, there are also some problems around the dances, such as the confusion in the process of transmission resulted from different transmission forms and transmitters, which we must no longer leave as it is. Furthermore, it is urgent that the rest of Jaein line dances be recovered and designated as intangible cultural assets for the sound transmission of the traditional dances.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.70-100
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• 2023

The celadon made in the Goryeo era, a time when Buddhism was flourishing in Korea, naturally contains many elements of Buddhist culture. Among them, inlaid celadon with Sanskrit inscriptions bears a close relationship with esoteric Buddhism. However, the research on deciphering the Sanskrit inscriptions has made little progress due to the small number of extant examples. However, the four recent excavations at the No. 23 kiln site in Sadang-ri, Gangjin have yielded new materials that allow the existing materials to be categorized into several types. The results obtained through the reading and interpretation of the inscriptions are as follows: First, the Sanskrit characters inlaid on the celadon were parts of mantras. Inscriptions where only one character is apparent cannot be deciphered, but scholars have revealed that others are written in the manner of a wheel mantra represent the "Mantra for Purifying the Dharma-Realm," "Six-Syllable Mantra of the Vidyaraja," "Sweet Dew Mantra," "Jewel Pavilion Mantra," "Mantra of the Savior Bodhisattva," "Dharani of the Mind of the Budha of Infinite Life," and "Mantra for Extinguishing Evil Rebirth." Each mantra was written in Siddham script. Second, they are believed to have been produced during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries based on the arrangement of the inscriptions and the way the "Sweet Dew Mantra" is included in the "40 Hands Mantra." In particular, the celadon pieces with a mantra inlaid in a concentric manner are dated to the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries based on their production characteristics. Third, the interpretation of the inlaid mantras suggests that they all refer to the "Shattering Hell" and "Rebirth in the Pure Land." Based on this, it can be concluded that some of these inlaid celadon wares with mantras may have been used in Buddhist rituals for the dead, such as the ritual for feeding hungry ghosts (施餓鬼會). Also, because the Sadang-ri No. 23 kiln site and the "ga" area of the site are believed to have produced royal celadon, it is likely that these rituals were performed at the royal court or a temple under its influence. Fourth, this inlaid Goryeo celadon with Sanskrit mantras was not a direct influence of the ceramics of Yuan China. It emerged by adopting Yuan Chinese Buddhist culture, which was influenced by Tibetan Buddhism, into Goryeo Korea's existing esoteric practices. Fifth, the celadon wares inlaid with a Sanskrit mantra reveal a facet of the personal esoteric rituals that prevailed in late Goryeo society. Changes in esotericism triggered by the desire for relief from anxieties can be exemplified in epitaph tablets and coffins that express a shared desire for escaping hell and being born again in paradise. Sixth, the inlaid celadon with Sanskrit mantras shares some common features with other crafts. The similarities include the use of Siddham Sanskrit, the focus on Six-Syllable Mantra of the Vidyaraja, the correspondence with the contents of the mantras found on Buddhist bells, wooden coffins, and memorial tablets, and their arraignment in a similar manner with rooftiles. The major difference between them is that the Mantra for Extinguishing Evil Rebirth and the Sweet Dew Manta have not yet been found on other craftworks. I believe that the inscriptions of Sanskrit mantras are found mainly on inlaid celadon vessels due to their relatively low production cost and efficiency.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.36-73
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• 2024

The Tomb of Jang Mui located in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province has attracted much attention since its first investigation due to the inscribed bricks found there that have allowed the guessing of the name and official title of its occupant and construction date. Inscriptions on these bricks, such as the "Prefect of Daebang Commandery Jang Mui" and the "Mu" (戊, the fifth sign of the Chinese calendar), and "Sin" (申, the ninth sign of the Chinese zodiac), have become the basis for believing the location of the government office of Daebang Commandery to be in Bongsangun, Hwanghae-do Province rather than somewhere in the Hangang River region. From the early days of its investigation, the tomb was suggested as historic remains of the Daebang Commandery along with the Earthen Fortress in Jitap-ri. Inscribed bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui were featured in several books and articles in the form of photographs and rubbings, leading to a vast body of studies on its construction period and the characteristics of its occupant that drew upon interpretations of the inscriptions. However, the inscribed bricks themselves were not publicly available outside those held in the collection of the University of Tokyo, making it difficult to expect consistent research findings on the types of inscribed bricks and their contents. Following previous studies re-examining the structure of the tomb and the materials used for its construction, most scholars dated the Tomb of Jang Mui to 348, a period after the collapse of Daebang Commandery. However, there is still a lack of adequate examination of the bricks, which account for the majority of the artifacts excavated from the tomb. Among the bricks excavated from most brick chamber tombs, including the Tomb of Jang Mui, only those with inscriptions or designs have been collected. Moreover, among these, only those with inscriptions or designs on the stretcher faces have been documented. Accordingly, the bricks themselves have been notably understudied. This paper intends to reorganize the contents of the inscriptions on eleven types (out of sixty-one pieces) of bricks in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which make up the majority of the bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui. It also classified them according to their shapes. Furthermore, it examined the bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui as architectural materials by focusing on their production techniques, including their forming, drying, and firing. Taking a more specific approach, it then compared the results to other bricks from the second century through the fourth century: those from the brick chamber tombs of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies and those from the brick chamber tombs built after Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies were ousted. The examination of bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui has revealed that these bricks were basically produced using the brick manufacturing techniques of Nangnang, but they incorporated new elements found in bricks from brick chamber tombs or brick-and-stone chamber tombs constructed around the mid-fourth century in terms of their size, the use of lime, and the number of inscribed bricks. This supports the prevailing view that the date of the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui is 348. The Tomb of Jang Mui sustained the existing brick chamber tomb burial tradition, but its ceiling was finished with stone. It demonstrates a blending of the brick chamber tomb practice of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies by using bricks produced based on related techniques, but with new elements such as the addition of a lime layer to the bricks. This fusion reflects the political circumstances of its time, such as the expulsion of the Daebang Commandery and the advance of the Goguryeo Kingdom, leading to diverse interpretations. Given archaeological evidence such as the structure, materials, and location of the tomb, the Tomb of Jang Mui appears to be highly related to the Goguryeo Kingdom. However, the forms of the inscribed bricks and the contents of the inscriptions share similarities with brick chamber tombs constructed during the third and fourth centuries in the Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions in China. Further studies on whether the use of lime was an influence from Goguryeo or a continuation of the Daebang tradition and a comparative examination with contemporaneous stone ceiling tombs will provide a more refined understanding of the Tomb of Jang Mui.