• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.7
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• pp.84-94
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• 2018

This study analyzed domestic media articles from 1920 to 2017 using R 3.4, a big data analysis tool. In addition, it examines the sexual minority discourse reproduced through the media for about 100 years, focused on the role of the film as an art of struggling with the projective aversion to sexual minorities. sexual minorities in movies are not abominable. They are people we already know in our daily lives, and they are just different in sexual orientation. In general, sexual minorities are less likely to encounter in everyday life, so they are experienced and perceived through what the media present. It is noteworthy that the representation of sexual minorities in the media is formed as a major agenda of our society by publicizing the problems underlying society on the surface. It causes social issues to be raised by revealing and highlighting the problems that are regarded as alienated and avoided from the mainstream's gaze. The content provided by the media enables a three-dimensional experience of subjects who have not experienced it by themselves, and has a decisive influence in correctly recognizing and judging society. Media content suggests that it can be a powerful weapon of recognition struggle that can naturally fight against social hatred without using methods such as demonstrations or protests.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.105-123
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• 2007

The launching of the Taepo-dong 1 on 31 August 1998 by the North Korea was the first case where the diplomatic protests was made against the flight, the purpose of which, the launching State claimed, consisted in space exploration and use. It is the principle regarding the freedom of space exploration and use, as included in the international treaty, that is relevant in applying the various rules and in defining the legal status of the flight. Its legal status, however, was not actually taken into account, as political negotiations leading to the test moratorium has been successful until present day in freezing the political crisis. This implies that the rules of the law lack the validity and logic sufficient in dictating the conduct of the States. This case shows that, in effect, it is not the rule but the politics that is to govern the status of the flight.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• no.spc
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• pp.87-104
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• 2007

The launching of the Taepo-dong 1 on 31 August 1998 by the North Korea was the first case where the diplomatic protests was made against the flight, the purpose of which, the launching State claimed, consisted in space exploration and use. It is the principle regarding the freedom of space exploration and use, as included in the international treaty, that is relevant in applying the various rules and in defining the legal status of the flight. Its legal status, however, was not actually taken into account, as political negotiations leading to the test moratorium has been successful until present day in freezing the political crisis. This implies that the rules of the law lack the validity and logic sufficient in dictating the conduct of the States. This case shows that, in effect, it is not the rule but the politics that is to govern the status of the flight.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.25
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• pp.109-132
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• 2011

The Vampire has relatively universal images in through the cultural and verbal usages. The comic Higajima and movie display the latest image of Japanese Vampire of asian mode of production. After the Meiji political reformation of 18th Century, Japanese had rapidly changed into European style in every places. However, the Higajima is denied the structural changes, it is insisted that the changing is only the skin deep and colour of hair but the structure of the society is same as feudal Japan. Asian mode of production is claimed by Karl Marx, according to him, it is before the historical developing model in Europe and it was controversial. The major character of modern Japanese history would be the change of hierarchy of king-shogun-samurai-peasant based on the regional ground. The feudal structure is changed by the Meiji reformation and Japan was rushed for the westernized country rather than the asian mode of production. However, Higajima argued that the changing is just the clothes of ruler but the democracy and individual citizenship was lost in that reformation. Vampire is cursed creature that cannot see the sun and it has not the functioned as a human organ. For human it is dead but this creature actively moves and stronger than human and much superior than human in every aspects. It is managed the feeding through the suck the human blood and power to seduction. Even it is not exist, it is quite symbolic phenomenon of cultural usage of superior entity of chain of feeding. The aim of this paper is display the symbolic code Vampire of Asian mode of production in Higajima and political struggling of Japan in actual. To search of the cultural meaning and possibility of the Korean solution of modernity.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.9
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• pp.95-103
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• 2022

This study aims to understand a gamer participatory mechanism by comparing Gamer Participation 1.0(Bartz Liberation War) and Gamer Participation 2.0(Truck Demonstration). The process of gamers' political participation is analyzed by applying the communication-mediated O-S-O-R model with the case of gamers' truck protests caused by probability items' issue. This study found out that changes in the social, technological, and discursive layers that constitute the gamer's communication ecology led to diversification of communication channels and changes in the perception of games. Gamers utilized the technological layer of the media environment that presupposes immediate mutual communication, expressed opinions on issues in the mobilization process, and shared the necessity of participation to derive collective mobilization. Through communication, gamers were able to participate in socio-political issues with high participation thresholds. This study is significant in that it discussed the gamers' democratic citizenship and role as issue publics. The study suggests that the need for theoretical and methodological expansion to analyze various participatory cases.

• The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.25-30
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• 2022

This study is a study on the filter bubble reinforcement phenomenon of SNS recommendation algorithm such as YouTube, which is a characteristic of the Russian-Ukraine war (2022), and the victory or defeat factors of the hybrid war. This war is identified as a hybrid war, and the use of New Media based on the SNS recommendation algorithm is emerging as a factor that determines the outcome of the war beyond political leverage. For this reason, the filter bubble phenomenon goes beyond the dictionary meaning of confirmation bias that limits information exposed to viewers. A YouTube video of Ukrainian President Zelensky encouraging protests in Kyiv garnered 7.02 million views, but Putin's speech only 800,000, which is a evidence that his speech was not exposed to the recommendation algorithm. The war of these SNS recommendation algorithms tends to develop into an algorithm war between the US (YouTube, Twitter, Facebook) and China (TikTok) big tech companies. Influenced by US companies, Ukraine is now able to receive international support, and in Russia, under the influence of Chinese companies, Putin's approval rating is over 80%, resulting in conflicting results. Since this algorithmic empowerment is based on the confirmation bias of public opinion by 'filter bubble', the justification that a new guideline setting for this distortion phenomenon should be presented shortly is drawing attention through this Russia-Ukraine war.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.45-70
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• 2006

China has achieved great economic growth above 9% annual since it changed to more of a market economy system by its reform and open-door policy. At the same time, China has experienced severe ecological deterioration, such as air and water pollutions caused by its rapid urbanization and industrialization. China is now confronted with environmental pollution and ecological deterioration at a critical point, at which economic development in China is limited. Moreover, environmental problems in China have become a lit fuse for social fluctuation beyond pollution problems. The root and background of environmental problems in China, firstly, are its government's lack of understanding of these problems and incorrect economic policies affected by political and ideological prejudice. Secondly, the plundering of resources, 'the principle of development first' which didn't consider environmental sustainability is another source of environmental deterioration in China. In addition, a huge population and poverty in China have increased the difficulty in solving its environmental problems, and in fact have accelerated them. The Chinese government has established many environmental laws and institutions, increased environmental investments, and is enlarging the participation of NGOs and the general public in some limited scale to solve its environmental problems. However, it has not obtained effective results because of the lack of environmental investments owing to the government's limit of the development phase, a structural limit of law enforcement and local protectionism, and the limit of political independency in NGOs and the lack of public participation in China. It seems that China remains in the stage of 'economic development first, environmental protection second', contrary to its catch-phrase of 'the harmony between economic development and environmental protection'. China is now confronted with dual pressure both domestically and abroad because of deepening environmental problems. There are growing public's protests and demonstrations in China in response to the spread of damage owing to environmental pollution and ecological deterioration. On the other hand, international society, in particular neighboring countries, regard China as a principal cause of ecological disaster. In the face of this dual pressure, China is presently contemplating a 'recycling economy' that helps sustainable development through the structural reform of industries using too much energy and through more severe law enforcement than now. Therefore, it is desirable to promote regional cooperation more progressively and practically in the direction of building China's ability to solve environmental problems.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.58
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• pp.9-34
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• 2019

The Korean Police Force is equipped with the dual responsibility to not only protect the constitutional right to protest, but also prevent potential disorder and misconduct might be caused by the abuse of such a right. To this end, the Korean national police employ the crowd counting methodology, termed 'Maximum Figure at Any One Time' with a view to dispatching the proportionate number of police officers to protest scenes for safety management. However, protest organizers rather take advantage of 'Cumulative Figure' methodology, the purpose of which being to publicize the wide recognition of success, noticeably by demonstrating that as many people as possible support for their cause or voice. Hence, different estimates generated by different methods have raised serious political issues in Korean society. Nevertheless, it is found out that there are only three existing academic studies in Korea regarding crowd counting methods, and they are mainly geared towards comparing the two methods, unfortunately without any attempt to analyze the foreign literature in details. Keeping the research gap in mind, the research conducts a comprehensive review of the foreign literature with relation to protest crowd counting methods. Derived from the review and analysis, the counting methods can be broadly categorized into the three models such as: 1) Grid/Density Model, 2) Moving Crowds Model, and 3) Electronic & Non-Image Model. In the end, the research provides brief explanations regarding specific research findings per each model, and further, suggests some policy implications for the development of more accurate crowd counting methodology at protests in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-45
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• 2017

The aim of this study is to analyze the process of the struggle and bargaining for the change of the employment position of the irregular (in-house subcontracted) workers being at work in the Hyundai Motor Company (HMC) plants into the status of the regular employee of the company, and evaluate the results and limitation of the irregular workers' movement. Since the unionization of irregular workers in 2003, they have carried on the struggle against and the bargaining with the HMC, over the past 10 years and more, making claims for abolishing 'illegal temporary agency work' and for converting their positions into the regular ones. The HMC have gradually altered a confrontational stance against the workers' claim at the early stage, into the bargaining relationship with irregular workers' union. Eventually, the collective agreement on the 'special hiring' of about six thousands irregular workers by the HMC was reached in 2016. We attempt to analyze in depth the overall process by dividing three phases of the movement, according to the criteria of the relationship between the alliance and conflict system, and the cycle of protests of irregular workers. Furthermore, we try to trace the long and winding path of the movement, focusing on the cooperation/conflict relationship within the movement's alliance system, the confrontation/bargaining relationship between the movement and the conflict system, and the critical roles played by mediators (or third parties) between two systems. In the conclusion of the paper, we evaluate the results and limitation of the irregular workers' movement upon the basis of the following points; the convergence of the workers' demands into the prime goal of 'becoming HMC's regular employee,' the breakaway of regular workers' union from the movement's alliance system, and a virtual extinction of irregular workers' union after the final labor-management agreement of 2016.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.61-82
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• 2011

Public resistance is an essential factor of the democratization process. Due to this, public resistance has been recognized as an important element in discussing the democratization of China. Recently in China, and a new era of resistance especially the agrarian resistance has been being expanded. This paper identifies trends and characteristics of that. With searching changes in the relationship between the nation and the societies in China, we will check whether democratization can be built from the whole bottom of the nation's ideology or not. It is a paradox of china's economic growth that the peasant uprising increased is a factor to the growth. The farmers' smoldering discontent exploded with rage because rural communities have been forced to sacrifice during the growth. The authoritarian party-state system in China has been faced with the limits in calming the peasant revolt down with the traditional suppression and restriction. Even though the party-state system in China has accepted farmers' dissatisfaction somewhat, and it has tried to improve its image of a benevolent government and pursued buying stability strategy, the gap between urban and rural areas has been expanded in the sustainable economic development and modernization process, therefore the authorities could not soothe the farmers' sense of alienation. Accordingly, the peasant revolt has not flickered out easily, and has been getting uncontrolled across China. Resistance characteristics of Chinese farmers have also changed. In the past, they had been sporadic and indirect ways, whereas in recent years, they have changed into organized and active ways. Of course, it is generally evaluated that the party-state system has sustained a strong social control so far. Buying stability strategy has prevented farmers' complaints from spreading to a threat to its regime, because civil societies in rural areas have still weak foundations from being formed. The party-state system, because of tensions and conflicts, will control the growing powers of civil societies in rural areas with institutionalization of interaction between the nation and the societies, and they will induce street protests to legalized struggle for a while. However, the relationship between the state and the societies has already started new rearrangement, in terms of that the conflicts between the state and rural communities have continued, and the changes of resistance ways.