• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.85-106
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• 2014

Protests are not new in Malaysia, though it is restricted by the ruling government. The trend of street protests and demonstrations since the emergence of Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih), Malaysia's first people movement on electoral reform, has triggered a sentiment of people power among Malaysian citizens. With protests and popular mobilization becoming pronounced in Malaysian politics, political activism becomes for Malaysians a channel of discontent and expression of political preferences. Using information obtained from interviews with individuals linked to the movement, this paper articulates that protests are no longer exclusive to Malaysians. This paper illustrates the emergence of the Bersih movement and explores the three Bersih mass rallies that took place in 2007, 2011, and 2012. This paper further links the protests with the electoral reform initiatives. It argues that the Bersih movement has managed to lobby fundamental changes in the Malaysian political culture.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Industrial and Applied Mathematics
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.181-188
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• 2009

Hundreds of thousands of South Korean protesters staged candlelight vigils and demonstrations against US beef imports in 2008. The problems, however, went far beyond that of beef imports. The political party veterans, who lost the presidential election, exploited labor unions that were discontent with the economy and ideological student groups to weaken the majority party. In this study, an epidemiological model is constructed with a system of three nonlinear differential equations. The model seeks to examine the dynamics of the system through stability analysis. Two threshold conditions that spread the protests are identified and a sensitivity analysis on the conditions is performed to isolate the parameters to which the system is most responsive. The results are also explored by deterministic simulations. This model can be easily modified to apply to other protests that may occur in various circumstances.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.1-12
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• 2022

A good story persuades people to act. The mobilizing power of a story, however, does not necessarily rely on informational fidelity. During political unrests, word-of-mouth can intermix facts with unverified claims and emotional outrage, often transforming reality into convincing rumor stories. This rapid communication article discusses how rumor publics (dis)approve and participate in 2019 Hong Kong Protests. This survey study finds that police injustice and brutality were the predominant themes of the collected rumor stories, although some stories contained mixed views or anti-protest claims. Rumors of police injustice and brutality were associated with less negative attitudes toward the protests, especially when respondents believed the story. The relationship between rumor stories and protest participation was less obvious, except for rumors about an individual protester's whereabout. This study discusses the ways in which rumor is embedded in contentious political processes.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.33-57
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• 2019

After the tragic incident of the sinking of Sewol in spring 2014, Korean migrants in Britain began to hold street protests in London. These protestors condemned the Korean government for the lack of appropriate responses to the accident, and for its failure to conduct proper investigation on the issue. The small group of protestors held silent street protests every month at Trafalgar Square, despite not gaining much media coverage nor public attention. These migrants' almost three-year long protest outside their homeland is puzzling. Not only did they live in Britain for a long time to the extent that they regard the country as their second home, but they also exert scant amount of influence on the political landscape in South Korea. What can then account for these individuals' participation in activism related to their homeland politics? In this paper, we utilize the concept of 'moral identity' to explain the behaviors of Korean migrants involved in the street protests. These migrants had strong 'moral identity', which triggered a sense of responsibility to act when their cherished moral values were jeopardized. Korean migrants who possessed a strong sense of moral identity placed huge importance on living in accordance with their moral values. It is a way of upholding their self-esteem and sustaining their ideal self.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.24
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• pp.125-146
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• 2010

The G20 summit is the premier forum for international economic cooperation and it will be held in Seoul in November 2010. However, protests are expected during the Seoul summit, as a part of the deepening global war against capitalism. The Korean Police need to deal with these protests effectively in order to provide security to the participating leaders and make the meeting run on wheel as planned. The current study attempts to analyze the death of Ian Tomlinson who died in the context of a heavily policed protest during 2009 G20 London summit. There are number of unique features regarding this incident, such as the public scrutiny of police conduct through video footage, the police use of excessive force, and the process to hold the police to account for misconduct. This incident caused serious damages to the public's faith in the British police. Based on the analysis, this study found that during the G20 London summit British police had the problems such as the lack of the clear standards on the use of force, improper training in the use of force, poor communications with the media and protesters, inappropriate use of the close containment tactic, and the failure to display police identification. Therefore, this study suggests the inducement of peaceful protests, the adoption of a set of standards on the use of force, public order training that is more directed and more relevant to the public order challenges facing the Korean police, improvement of the communication with the media and protesters, enhancement of individual officer's accountability as public order policing strategies for G20 Seoul summit meeting. However, the most fundamental principle is that Korean police must place a high value on tolerance and winning the consent of the public.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.9-25
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• 2006

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.37-66
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• 2017

Massive civic protests and consequent presidential impeachment requires a serious revisiting to democratic theories of Korean democracy. This paper explores the strengths and limitations of macro and micro approaches. Changes in democratic realities was manifested on three fronts. First, the rise of new political subject, that is, participants to massive protest. Second, changing nexus between representative institutions and civic protests. Third, parliamentarization of presidential democracy. Specifically macro approach has changed its negative assessment of democracy into positive evaluation. Macro theory has to revisit it's notion of 'minjung' to cope with the rise of new subject. Also macro approach has to struggle with the declining role of civic organizations and political activists. Micro approach has to deal with new mode of networking among citizens and to unravel the evolving relation between democratic institutions and civic protests. In sum, theories need to expand the analytic scope, to revitalize analytic tools and to rebalance value judgment and analytical efforts.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.59-85
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• 2019

The Hong Kong's Anti-Ordinance Amendment Movement is the most serious radical social movement since the 1997 return, which has served as the promotion of the 2014 Occupy Central Movement and broken through the violence baseline. The movement came from a criminal case committed in Taiwan,which gave a good reason and motivation for the HK government to amend the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance. The HK government has responded to the protests by strictly limiting the legal scope and transfer procedure, even giving up the legislative motion. But the protests still say no and develop into the constantly violent activities. Many of the protests have committed the crimes in HK laws,part of whom have been arrested,prosecuted and under judicially judged. It is necessary for the offenders to be punished to protect the authority of rule of law in HK. Two different paths for HK have fought against each other since the 1997 return: one is the "democratic-welfare" path taken by the Pan-Democratic Camp, the other is the "Legal-development" path taken by the Pan-Establishment Camp. The second path shares some nuclear characteristics of the so-called The China Model mainly shaped from the 40-years Reforms and Openness. However, the HK people can't understand the China Model very well and show great fear and distrust on the judicial system of Mainland China. The foreign powers such as US and UK have illegally interfered the HK issues which are deemed to be the domestic affairs of China. The so-called Sino-UK Joint Declaration can't serve as the legal basis for the interference. Taiwan, as a part of China, also plays a negative role in this movement for its electoral and political interest. Up to now, the movement has gone down and the HK government has the legal capacity to solve the problems under the supports from the central government and the HK people. The HK people love its rule of law and order under the constitutional framework of One Country Two System. After the movement,One Country Two Systems will be go on, and the integrated development under the policies of the central government will be the main stream. However, the relevant problems exposed by this movement muse be checked and solved legally and strictly,especially concerning the social inequality and youth development.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.65-77
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• 2011

In Western Europo and the US, there has been a general trend over 30 years of reducing the amount of force by the police, through a paradigm shift from 'Escalated Force Model' towards 'Negotiated Management Model'. In tune with this trend, for example, the Swedish Police have implemented the uniformed 'Dialogue Police' system, in order to establish communication contact with demonstrators, before, during, and after their events, The Negotiated Management Model involves a greater respect for the rights of protesters, a more tolerant approach to community, and improved intelligence, communication, and flexibility, in order to facilitate lawful protests and to reduce the possibility of an escalation of major public disorder. The Korean National Police (KNP) appears to be operated within this negotiated management framework, since in preparation for the G20 Seoul Summit, they have also emphasized good communication between the police and protest groups, by newly creating the concept of 'Protest Policing Through Facilitation of Lawful Protests'. In this context, this study first attempts to analyze not only the negotiated management model, but also the Swedish dialogue police. Secondly, the study conducts a comparative study between the KNP's Protest Policing Through Facilitation of Lawful Protest and the Swedish dialogue police system, particularly, in conjunction with the negotiated management. Although Korean and western police have different system and history, protest policing model is now approaching with each other through a link between conflict resolution techniques, such as dialogue, negotiation, mediation and facilitation. Finally, the study is to prove if the KNP's protest policing model corresponds with the negotiated management model, and further to suggest new 'Facilitation of Conflict Resolution Model' as a desirable future of the KNP's protest policing.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.17-30
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• 2017

This study takes a close examination of the Saturday protest movement in Korea and explores how the politics by social movements challenges the extant theorization of democratization. The paper begins with a brief description of the presidential scandal, the eruption of massive protests, and its impact on formal politics. By situating the Korean case in a comparative theoretical discussion, it engages with important debates in the latest scholarship of democracy that complicate given assumptions and conceptualization. The paper closes with theoretical suggestions of how the Korean drama of protest movements contributes to altering the imagination of democratic politics, both conceptually and substantively.