• Journal of Public Diplomacy
• /
• 제1권1호
• /
• pp.36-56
• /
• 2021

The Amazon fires in summer 2019 triggered an incendiary Twitter debate between French president Emmanuel Macron and Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro that engaged political leaders, celebrities, and audiences worldwide. Currently, diplomats-in-chief connect to the global public through completely open debates, often without proper advice from foreign-affairs ministers, which may result in misunderstandings and conflicts among world leaders. Hence, this study argues that these interactions must be supported by Nicholas Cull's seven lessons in public diplomacy. The main topic on hand is presidential public diplomacy performed through digital means in cyberspace. Thus, after distinguishing cyberspace, digital diplomacy, and cyberdiplomacy, the literature review focuses on presidential public diplomacy, presidential diplomacy on Twitter, and Cull's seven lessons. Subsequently, the case study method provides a snapshot of the debate between Macron and Bolsonaro over the Amazon fires. This study concludes by answering the research question and indicating grist for the mill with regard to future developments.

• 한국기록관리학회지
• /
• 제17권2호
• /
• pp.57-78
• /
• 2017

본 연구는 내용분석 방법을 활용하여 대통령 연설기록에 나타난 역대 대통령의 중심가치를 파악하고 각 정부의 정책 방향성을 거시적인 측면에서 살펴보고자 한다. 이를 위해 대통령기록관에서 제공하는 연설기록들을 수집하고, 중심 단어를 비교 분석하였다. 대통령 연설문은 대통령의 문제해결능력과 의식지향을 파악하는데 적합한 기록이다. 특히 본 연구에서의 주요 연구대상으로는 대통령의 생각을 잘 반영하는 기록인 '성명/담화문'을 선정, 역대 대통령들 간의 비교를 위해 수집 건수가 많은 '외교/통상' 분야를 중심으로 단어 빈도분석 및 언어 네트워크 분석을 수행하였다. 그 결과로 역대 대통령들은 외교적으로 발생한 문제에 대하여 평화적 해결과 협력을 기본적으로 추구하며, 더불어 외교/통상 분야에서는 경제정책을 중점적으로 추진하였음을 확인할 수 있었다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• 제23권1호
• /
• pp.58-82
• /
• 2024

Former South Korean President Moon Jae-in implemented a project called the Peace Initiative, which prioritized a "peaceful and prosperous Korean Peninsula" as the core national agenda and involved using a peace-based frame instead of a unification approach to address inter-Korean relations from a different perspective. This initiative was evaluated in this study using a revised version of the pyramid model to assess the input-output-result process underlying the project and determine whether it generated results that differed from those achieved by the previous administration. To these ends, this research compared Moon's key presidential speeches with those of his predecessor, Park Geun-hye, as input, news commentaries and responses from major players as output, and the trend of perceptional and attitudinal changes in public opinion as results. Although Moon failed to accomplish significant policy effects on inter-Korean relations because of geopolitical challenges and the transfer of power to the conservative party, the analysis revealed that the input, output, and partial results of inter-Korean dialogue reflect some progress.

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권32호
• /
• pp.97-122
• /
• 2013

The basic stance of the Republic of Korea Ministry of Foreign Affairs was 'quiet diplomacy'. However, there had been demands for specific plans for practical protection of Dokdo. In 2011, Prime Minister Kim Hwang Sik mentioned that they are reviewing measures of stationing marines on Dokdo, while on August 10th, 2012, former president Lee Myung Bak visited Dokdo. The visit itself was meaningful as he was the first supreme commander to visit Dokdo. This paper studies on the necessity of naval power on Dokdo to maintain its effective control. The effective control must be done by a national organization in a peaceful and unimpaired method. If so, can stationing naval power, whether directly or indirectly, on Dokdo be considered a violation of 'peaceful' method? A 'peaceful' effective of control meas the right of sovereignty over a territory without other country's protest. In such terms, protecting a territory falls under practicing the right of sovereignty, and therefore does not violate 'peaceful'. In addition, looking at international cases such as Ligitan/Sipadan Case and Pedra Blanca Case, evidences such as 'navy activity', 'flyng ensign', and 'military communication facility installation' was used. In ter case of Yemen-Eritrea dispute over Hanish, methods on effective control over island and sea was also ruled by the installation of military posts and military surveillance activities. Thus, stationing naval power on Dokdo can be a way of maintaining effective control per international law. To station naval poer on Dokdo, Presidential Instruction 24 integrated Defense Guideline Enforcement Ordinance, which is domestic law, must be revised. Reason being, the Enforcement Ordinance states that the navy area of responsibility excluded Ullundo, where Dokdo is under jurisdiction of Ullungdim thus excluding navy control. In addition, considering the diplomatic situation, it is more fut to install navy radar site on Dokdo rather than 'stationing marines'. In other words, enforcing surveillance in the vicinity of Dokdo and installing radar site instead of stationing direct combatants is one way of practicing effective control without stimulating diplomatic disputes.

• 예술인문사회 융합 멀티미디어 논문지
• /
• 제8권6호
• /
• pp.875-885
• /
• 2018

본 연구는 2016년 10월 24일부터 2017년 3월 19일까지 촛불 집회 기간 포털사이트 정치 섹션에 등록된 촛불 집회와 태극기 집회 관련 뉴스의 댓글을 대상으로 주요 이슈를 개체명 인식기를 이용해 분석하여 두 집회에 대한 정국 인식을 살펴보았다. 주요 분석 항목은 탄핵의 책임 소재, 정국 해결의 주체와 방법, 그 외 주요 이슈를 중심으로 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 촛불 집회 기사의 댓글에서는 탄핵지지와 정권 부역자의 법적 처벌에 대해 집중하고 있었으며, 탄핵 후 차기 대선을 통한 정국 해결을 주장했다. 태극기 집회 기사의 댓글에서는 정권 유지를 위한 탄핵 기각에 대해 집중하고 있었고, 헌법재판소의 탄핵 기각을 주장하였다. 이를 통해 볼 때, 촛불 집회나 태극기 집회의 각 입장을 지지했던 집단들 간의 갈등은 대선 이후 적어도 당분간(박근혜 재판 기간) 지속할 것으로 보인다. 이 갈등은 탄핵과 정권 교체 후 청산과 새 정치를 추구하는 입장과 박근혜 대통령 재판에 영향을 미치려는 입장의 대립으로 전개될 것이다. 따라서 이후 정국에서는 사회 통합을 위한 노력이 필요하다.