• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• Journal of the Korean Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.1-1
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• 2019

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Emotion and Sensibility Conference
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• 2012.05a
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• pp.55-56
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• 2012

• 지역과문화
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.1-28
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• 2019

These days sex has become a tool of interest, a constant stream of sex crimes occurs and it brings the age of population cliffs to an age of low birth rates. As an alternative to overcome these problems, we should establish the praying for a child, which has been our ancestors' way of life, as a sacred culture that holds the mystery of life-birth with a new awareness. Therefore, the purpose of this study is not to re-enact the Zhaungam area as a fun and interesting place, but as a sacred place to pray for the nobility, longevity and wealth of life. Based on the spirit of natural love, meeting, healing, and love based on the spirit of traditional culture, Doridori was chosen as the main theme of the project based on the spirit of natural love and life-respect, and the name "Doridori Secret Garden" was given out of 10 medals in Dandong for tourism storytelling. Cultural content becomes a marketing tool for the region and acts as a force for tourists to visit the area. In this context, it was confirmed that the creation of "Doridori Secret Garden" could lead to a high value-added industry that attracts tourists by enhancing the brand value of Andong and showing sufficient significance to become a new attraction. This study is intended to re-create the Zhaungam area as a sacred place to pray for the nobility of life and longevity and wealth of life, noting that people still pray for the birth of their children in Zhaungam and Zhagungam.

• Research in Community and Public Health Nursing
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.491-503
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• 2001

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to identify the health promoting lifestyle of Korean immigrants and to develop the health promotion program for Korean immigrants. Method: The subject of the study were 207 adults chosen from Korean religious organizations located in Chicago area. The instrument used in this study was Health Promoting Lifestyle Profile (HPLP) by Walker. Sechrist & Pender(l995). The data were collected between August 1 and October 20. 2000 by using self-administered questionnaire. Analysis of data was done by using descriptive statistics. Pearson correlation coefficient, t-test, ANOVA. Duncan test and stepwise multiple regression with SPSS program. Result. 1) The average score of performance in the health promoting lifestyle 2.43 scores. In the subscales, the highest degree of performance was 'spiritual growth', following 'nutrition', 'interpersonal relationship', 'stress management' and 'health responsibility' and the lowest degree of performance was 'physical activity'. 2) Health promoting lifestyle was significantly correlated with such demographic variables as age (F=2.659. p=.049), family income(F=4.696. p = .027), subjective health status(F = 3.882. p=.005), the frequency of pray(F=9.442. p = .000), the frequency of reading the bible(F=8.584. p= .000) and years of residence in the US(F=4.273. p= .015). 3) Health promoting lifestyle was significantly predicted by the frequency of pray, subjective health status. current working status, taking medication, level of education and family income. These variables explained 27.4% of variance of health promoting lifestyle. Conclusion The above findings indicate that it is necessary to develop a health promotion program facilitating exercise and enhancing health responsibility for Korean immigrants. It is suggested that the comparative study to identify the differences and similarities between Korean immigrants in the U.S.A. and Korean residents in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.469-480
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• 2006

Patterns in clothing symbolize some specific meaning that differs across cultures and religions, although patterns have been mostly used to realize human desires to overcome natural hazards in every culture or religion. This research aims to compare animal patterns of Korea (Confucian/Buddhism culture) with those of Byzantine (Christian culture), based upon a research method of literature survey. It is found through the research that both cultures used common patterns, such as dragon, butterfly, bat, honeybee, peacock, fish, and chicken. In the case of dragon patterns, Korea used it to symbolize emperor, dignity, or authority, while Byzantine used it for devil. Bat patterns had different symbolic meanings in both cultures: they mean happiness, longevity, prosperity or many off-springs in Korea while they mean misfortune or unhappiness in Byzantine. On the other hand, the rest of animal patterns, including butterfly, honeybee, peacock, chicken, had quite a similar symbolic meaning. Butterfly means change of life or beginning of new life in Korea, whereas it means resurrection in Byzantine. Honeybee symbolizes diligence, order, and cooperation. Many animal patterns were used in both cultures at the same time. Another difference can be found in terms of the kind of animals; for example, Korea used wild goose, pheasant, giraffe, deer, mandarin duck & turtle, while Byzantine used eagle, snake, pigeon. Of course, each and every animal has its own meaning, mostly positive. Except dragons and bats, both cultures have a similar meaning in most of animal patterns. Generally speaking, Korea used imaginary animals to pray for human happiness, but Byzantine used real animals to pray for resurrections.

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.29-44
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• 1990

The present study investigated the concept of Buddha in 9- 12- year-old children who were in the concrete operational stage. The concept of Buddha was investigated in the following dimensions:form, competence and role of Buddha, feelings toward Buddha, and prayer to Buddha. Questionaire data were gathered from 143 children attending the Bulkwang Sunday School Statistical analysis was by Chi square. The children perceived Buddha as (1) a statue or a monk living in their mind and in heaven; and (2) unrestricted and superhuman but different from the creator, keeping an eye on them all the time and everywhere. The role of Buddha was perceived as one of giving blessing with good things to those who pray. The children had diverse feelings of awe, thankfulness, fear and anger toward Buddha. Most of the children were confident that Buddha would respond to their prayers but a few showed some doubt. Children in the concrete operational stage were less credulous than those in the pre-operational stage. More than half of the childen reported that they experience the fulfilment of their prayers. The children had deep faith in attaining Buddhahood.

• Transactions of the Korean Society of Mechanical Engineers
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.548-558
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• 1995

An experimental investigation has been conducted to study the spray and combustion characteristics using the air-assisted twin fluid atomizer. Axial mean and fluctuating velocity components as well as drop-size distributions in non-reaction spray were measured with a nonintrusive phase doppler technique. Droplet number density distributions were also visualized using high speed CCD camera. Locations of spray and flame boundaries are obtained by direct photographic method. It is confirmed that at the fixed fuel flow rate, the increase of the atomizing air flow causes improvements on both spray and combustion characteristics under stable flame conditions. Internal group combustion modes where flame is located inside the spray boundary are observed to exist in the upstream region of higher droplet number density.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Fundamentals of Nursing
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.271-286
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• 2000

This study is designed to investigate what elders think about the meaning of aging. We have used Q-methods to identify meaning of aging from elders, and developed self-referenced surveys to analyze characteristics In this study, we used a non-structured method to select Q sampling. From 183 Q populations, we selected 36 Q sampling. A total of 32 persons sixty-years or older were randomly selected for P samples, When the Q-sorting was complete, we interviewed the participants at both end of the extremes(agree or disagree), and documented their responses. We used PC QUANL to process the data and used principal component analysis for Q factor analysis. There were five subjective types for the meaning of aging by elders. Of the 32 P-samples of elders, 11 were identified as Type 1, 7 as Type 2, 2 as Type 3, 8 as Type 4, and 4 as Type 5. Type 1 : 'Matured elders' Elders wished the well being of their children, thought older persons should maintain good health, worried about becoming senile, and dependent God believing in life after death. Type 2 : 'Assertive-Rights' Elders categorized as Assertive-Rights insisted on their rights to life as a person. Type 2 elders characterized themselves as people who should keep themselves healthy, become weak and lack sexual desires, act selfish like a child, need to be protected, and be financially independent. Type 3 : 'Passive-Dependents' Elders characterize themselves as those who pray for their children's well being, worry about the children even after their death. and becoming senile. Type 4 : 'Hopeless' The 'Hopeless' type of elders characterized aging as a time to pray for their children, insignificant beings, thoughts were selfish and child-like, poor, worried about going senile, regret their life overall, and preferred to die than to live as an old person. Type 5 : 'Attached-Present' The 'Attached-Present' type of elders thought elderly characterized themselves as acting selfish and child-like, wiser, anxious, regret their life, stand aloof of greed and worldly things, being a model for the society, and deserving to be treated with filial respect. Thus far, Korean elders seemed to have a positive and negative meaning of aging due to the current changes in the society, value system, and family structures. The above five subjective meanings of aging confirm that we need to approach and nurse the elderly differently. Years of aging are a part of and a natural process of life with various physical, psychological, and sociological changes. Nurses need to assist elderly to find the positive meaning of their life by providing appropriate physical, psychological, and social support at an earlier stage in nursing. Based on this study, we could derive the following two implication from the perspectives of science of nursing to care for elders. 1) Based on the studies investigating the type of meaning of aging, we could develop tools to assist in nursing intervention programs for elderly. 2) Based on research on the meaning of aging for different developmental stages of life, we could develop a model for roles for different family members in nursing and caring for the elders.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.107-135
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• 2014

Cham identities which are socially constructed and multilayered, display their markers in a variety of elements, including homeland attachment to the former Kingdom of Champa, religion, language and cultural traditions, to mention a few. However, unlike other contemporary diasporic experience which binds the homeland and the host country, the Cham diaspora in Cambodia has a unique pattern as it seems to have no voice in the political and economic spheres in Vietnam, its homeland. The relations between the Cham in Cambodia and Vietnam seem to be limited to cultural heritages such as Cham musical traditions, traditional clothing, and the architectural heritage. Many Cham people have established networks outside Cambodia with areas of the Muslim world, like Malaysia, Indonesia, southern Thailand and the Middle Eastern countries. Pursuing education or training in Islam as well as working in those countries, especially Malaysia has become a way for the Cham to widen their networks and increase their knowledge of particularly, Islam. Returning to Cambodia, these people become religious teachers or ustadz (Islamic teachers in the pondok [Islamic boarding school]). This has developed slowly, side by side with the formation of their identity as Cham Muslims. Among certain Cham, the absence of an ancient cultural heritage as an identity marker has been replaced by the Islamic culture as the important element of identity. However, being Cham is not a single identity, it is fluid and contested. Many scholars argue that the Cham in Cambodia constitute three groups: the Cham Chvea, Cham, and Cham Bani (Cham Jahed). The so-called Cham Jahed has a unique practice of Islam. Unlike other Cham who pray five times a day, Cham Jahed people pray, once a week, on Fridays. They also have a different ritual for the wedding ceremony which they regard as the authentic tradition of the Cham. Indeed, they consider themselves pure descendants of the Cham in Vietnam; retaining Cham traditions and tending to maintain their relationship with their fellow Cham in Central Vietnam. In terms of language, another marker of identity, the Cham and the Cham Jahed share the same language, but Cham Jahed preserve the written Cham script more often than the Cham. Besides, the Cham Jahed teaches the language to the young generation intensively. This paper, based on fieldwork in Cambodia in 2010 and 2011 will focus on the process of the formation of the Cham identity, especially of those called Cham and Cham Jahed.