• World Technopolis Review
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• 제1권4호
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• pp.240-255
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• 2013

The recent interest in regions represents a rise of the new regionalism. Three competing theories provide the frameworks of explaining the ascendance of regions as the meaningful vessel of territorial economic and political processes. They are the orthodox new regionalism, the new politics of scale, and the relational topology of networked actors. Referring to these theories, this paper assesses the establishment of cross-provincial Area-wide Economic Regions (AERs) in Korea. The findings indicate that AERs represent a radical shift to a new regionalism. However, it is misconceived to see their ascendance as the orthodox new regionalism, as they marginally fit the hollowing-out of the state thesis. Nor they show distinct features to which the politically-inflicted regionalism is attributed. In consequence, AERs represent the emergence of a new regionalism that is consequent of the unique politico-economic context of Korea, say, a most centralized state-society combined with the neoliberalizing policy process emanating from the globalization pressures.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• 제21권9호
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• pp.113-117
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• 2021

The article defines the basic concepts: "election campaign", "social capital", "conversion of social capital"; the principles and methods of research of social capital conversion in election campaigns are studied; the process of using social capital in politics is defined; ways of converting social capital into politics are considered; the possibilities of converting social capital in election campaigns are described. Election campaigns have been found to be a successful form of social capital conversion. The ability to use social capital in the election campaign speaks of its high potential. Election campaigns are not an effective use of social capital.

• 영미문화
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• 제14권2호
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• pp.233-249
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• 2014

This essay addresses the missing conversation in Keats studies by showing how an enduring mystery of Romantic writing—the medium of poetic process and the physical conditions of enunciation—remains a central question in the Hyperion fragments. It is my argument that the tropes of material textuality prevalent in the Hyperions represent a bold cultural statement in which Keats reacts to the major premises underlying the Romantic culture's notion of poetry as abstraction: the Romantic notion of literary (re)production as a product of the activity of a mind. Keats's self-conscious, symbolic representation of the mechanics of poetry-making can be read as an investigation of the ways in which the Romantics were aware of and even eager to articulate the instabilities of their position on the relations between words and things. This essay does not focus exclusively on the physical embodiment of Keats's work as such, so much as the second-generation Romantic poet's contribution to the Romantics' self-conscious and critical understanding of the depiction, perception and ideologies of their poetry and its mediation.

• 영어영문학
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• 제64권4호
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• pp.531-550
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• 2018

This paper contemplates egalitarian ethics and ecumenical consumerism suggesting expansive possibilities of Northern Ireland's sectarian limits towards unlimited spatialities in Robert McLiam Wilson's Belfast novel, Eureka Street. This paper argues that Northern Ireland's (Belfast's) (post)modernity and a social ethics promoting outwardly mediated relationships are a vision for nonidentity Eureka Street espouses against the identity politics of Protestant-Catholic schism. Eureka Street remarkably challenges Northern Irish sectarian politics propelling inwardly unmediated relationships by ethical possibilities of infinitively mediated relationships. In the argument for a postmodern view of the novel, commodity fetishism and consumerism are considered as key to a prospect of emancipation of Northern Ireland from the political fetters of total identity the partisan communities impose on themselves. This paper also demonstrates that a post-national cosmopolitanism Eureka Street envisages embraces a new social solidarity predicated upon socio-political pluralisms against Northern Irish sectarian identities.

• 중국학논총
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• 제68호
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• pp.141-161
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze China's political education, which plays a role of vehicle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) promoting its ideological strategy, in order to figure out the utility of the CCP's ideological strategy. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP rebuilt and reinforced political education in China according to its ideological strategy. Especially after the Tiananmen incident in 1989, the CCP made nationalism and patriotism as the core part of political education, and expanded its curriculum. Such reinforcement of political education has a advantage in maintaining the CCP's governance by creating a nationalist consensus against the western ideas. Although it can be helpful for the stability of domestic politics, it also has negative possibilities which isolate China in the global community and obstruct China's development.

• 미국학
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• 제44권2호
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• pp.159-191
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• 2021

"In the United States, you almost never say that virtue is beautiful," Alexis de Tocqueville reports in Democracy in America. Yet Ralph Waldo Emerson, arguably the most prominent American moralist in the nineteenth century, stands as an exception to Tocqueville's generalization. This article explores Emerson's perspective on beauty in the moral education of democratic citizens. His interest in this aesthetic category partly stemmed from his deep concern about both the moral inaction and interest politics in commercial culture. As a response to the crisis, Emerson conceived ethical beauty as a key promoter of public-minded democratic citizenship as exemplified by the American abolitionists, and his own practice as a poetic moralist further illustrates this belief. Emerson's aesthetic approach to the cultivation of public virtue in liberal democracy offers a meaningful comparison to contemporary neo-Tocquevillian emphasis on the language of interest or duty.

• 미국학
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• 제43권2호
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• pp.57-81
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• 2020

The purpose of this essay is to reexamine the overlooked politico-philosophical paradoxes of early American democracy. From its beginning, the American Republic was predicated on the conceived notion of political autonomy and independence from the British Empire. Those who fought for the cause, as expressed in the Declaration of Independence, invented and internalized so-called self-evident propositions which served as the key ideological foundation of the American Republic. Moreover, the unique historical ontology of American democracy was coupled with the politico-philosophical necessity of collective fantastical belief in the equation of selfhood with nationhood. By delving into how particular philosophical ideas and political concepts helped shape the visionary imagination of framers and their contemporaries, I investigate the way in which philosophy and politics are constitutive of the ideological fabric of the substantial-both conceptual and practical-paradoxes of the early American democracy.

• 수완나부미
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.271-303
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• 2023

In 1991, Malaysia, under the leadership of then-Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, launched an ambitious 30-year national development program known as Vision 2020. The goal of this program was to transform Malaysia into a First World developed nation by the year 2020. One of the aspirations of the program was to create a psychologically liberated, secure, ethical, and mature democratic society. Vision 2020 is a failure and Malaysia is still not a mature democracy. This article identifies four main areas that make up a flawed democracy practiced in Malaysia, and shows how they work against the country's aspirations to become a developed nation. The electoral system is rigged to help the incumbent remain in power. The widespread practices of money politics have become a curse to the country. The press and media organizations are restricted. Civil society activities are suppressed. As a result of these issues, Malaysia will not be able to achieve the status of a developed nation, lacking democratic accountability and inclusive institutions.

• 수완나부미
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.245-270
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• 2023

Many publications of ecocritical research papers and translations of ecocriticism occur in Vietnam in recent years. This paper examines ecocritical scholarly writing in Vietnam, understanding how it corresponds to-reflects and attends to-contemporary Vietnamese society and politics. Specifically, this paper contextualizes Vietnamese ecocriticism in contemporary social and political concerns-embodied in journalistic and administrative documents-about the modernity-oriented postcolonial nation-building of Vietnam. In revealing critiques of political and social degenerations implied in ecocritical writings in Vietnam, this paper suggests that the emergence of ecocriticism in present-day Vietnam indicates a recent "political turn." More importantly, such emergence reflects and engages with the continuing Marxist perspective of literature as an instrument for social criticism and cultural revolution in Vietnam. Vietnamese ecocritics bear the mission of prophets of the time, public educators, and soul engineers, writing is an act of engaging with and influencing reality. Writing (literary and scholarly) still forms an idealized ideological instrument in the struggles for national homogeneity and sovereignty and social democracy in present-day Vietnam.

• 수완나부미
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.85-105
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• 2019

Investigating the clash among different forms of international relations has been a frequent issue in modern research and attracts interest in the fields of history and politics. In the nineteenth-century, Asia witnessed a fierce struggle between traditional relations in Asia that existed during the feudal period, that of "The Heavenly Dynasty, China and its vassal states"; and a the new form of relations introduced by the West, that of relations between "colonial powers and colonized countries." As a result, the formation of "colonial societies" in Asia with very specific features was established. However, as stated by Vu (2015), for many reasons, which include the lack of material resources, the politically sensitive nature of the object, and the focus on gains and losses in previous studies, there were little studies on the process of demarcating the Tonkinese border between Franco and Chinese in Vietnam, especially from a globalization perspective. This study thus aims at examining the issue of the demarcation of the Tonkinese Border between Franco and Chinese (1885-1895), in view of globalization, as a case study for the transition process of the modern history of Vietnamese society.