• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.68-89
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• 2019

When comparing media freedom in Malaysia, Myanmar, and Thailand, so-called "fake news" appears as threats to a deliberative (online) public sphere in these three diverse contexts. However, "racist propaganda", "information operations" and "negative campaigning" might be more accurate terms that explain these forms of systematic manipulative political communication. The three cases show forms of disinformation in under-researched contexts and thereby expand the often Western focused discourses on hate speech and fake news. Additionally, the analysis shows that harmful disinformation disseminated online originates from differing contextual trajectories and is not an "online phenomenon". Drawing on an analysis of connotative context factors, this explorative comparative study enables an understanding of different forms of harmful disinformation in Malaysia, Myanmar, and Thailand. The connotative context factors were inductively inferred from 32 expert interviews providing explanations for the formation of political communication (control) mechanisms.

• International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.51-55
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• 2017

LINE, an instant message App with a powerful capability of transmitting various forms of data, has been overwhelmed in Asia since launched in 2011. Due to its popularity, LINE was first used in the 2016 Taiwanese presidential election. This research utilized a functional approach of campaign communication discourse and political visual images to analyze how candidates managed and presented themselves by textual and visual information on LINE. Regarding the textual information, results revealed their strategy inclined to reverse gender stereotype because the female candidate emphasized policy over character, while the male emphasized character over policy. Both candidates did not fully employ ten image functions because they utilized mostly the emotional and image building functions. The female candidate message achieved the largest total amount of 'like' and 'share'. This study probes into the App campaigning and improve the feasibility and practicability to share knowledge of political communication by new media.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.47-56
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• 2011

After the 2006 coup $d^{\prime}{\acute{e}}tat$, there were many unusual incidents in Thailand, some of which involved considerable bloodshed, which originated from clashes between those in power and dissenters. This article examines how political institutions in Thailand are structured, and the author argues that, in order to effectively assess the state of Thai politics after the coup, an analysis of the structures of political legitimacy in the country is essential. The author will be exploring the way in which political legitimacy is generally determined by the established power holders, especially the monarchy and its allies. The ideologies and beliefs of recent dissenters will also be examined in detail.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.23-41
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• 2010

In political science there is broad interest in whether a newly established democracy succeeds in overcoming the perils of democratisation and matures into a consolidated democracy or regresses to authoritarianism. Taiwan was under martial law for almost four decades. Democratic consolidation, therefore, is primarily a question of how to overcome the legacies of the former authoritarian regime. Nationalism and dysfunctional political institutions are some of the legacies that limit Taiwan's democratic development. The study of these destructive elements is important in the attempt to interpret Taiwan's most recent political history and to formulate effective democracy-building policies. In the following, I would like to address the aforementioned legacies and their implications for Taiwan's current and future democratic development.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.23-39
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• 2019

Assuming that a political party has a strong incentive to gain votes via issue setting as part of its campaign strategy, this study utilized a Web experimental survey to explore the extent to which three issue-related campaign advertising strategies - namely, issue ownership, issue convergence, and issue trespassing - affected voters' perceptions toward parties' issue-handling capabilities. Our empirical results show that issue ownership perceptions exist in Taiwan. In the 2012 Taiwan presidential election, as issue ownership advertisements may reinforce voters' beliefs regarding parties' issue-handling capabilities, issue trespassing advertising may improve a party's image on the disadvantageous issue dimension. At least our data shows that the Kuomintang's (KMT) advertisements have both effects.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제21권2호
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• pp.1-12
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• 2022

A good story persuades people to act. The mobilizing power of a story, however, does not necessarily rely on informational fidelity. During political unrests, word-of-mouth can intermix facts with unverified claims and emotional outrage, often transforming reality into convincing rumor stories. This rapid communication article discusses how rumor publics (dis)approve and participate in 2019 Hong Kong Protests. This survey study finds that police injustice and brutality were the predominant themes of the collected rumor stories, although some stories contained mixed views or anti-protest claims. Rumors of police injustice and brutality were associated with less negative attitudes toward the protests, especially when respondents believed the story. The relationship between rumor stories and protest participation was less obvious, except for rumors about an individual protester's whereabout. This study discusses the ways in which rumor is embedded in contentious political processes.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.107-144
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• 2023

In competitive political contexts, sustaining power is the ultimate goal for political parties. Nominating celebrity politicians can be a double-edged sword for parent brands in attracting votes and influencing voting intention. This study contributes to the moderating role of brand affinity towards celebrity politicians. It considers celebrities' cognitive perceived benefits and voting intention relationship in a multiparty parliamentarian election. A cross-sectional survey with a stratified proportional random sampling technique in fifteen Lebanese districts ensured a representative sample. One thousand two hundred sixty-nine responses were found eligible for analysis. Findings indicate that brand affinity positively moderates the negative relationship between perceived benefits and voting intention. This study offers a new understanding of celebrity politicians' implementation strategy and campaign management and considers the contribution of the affective intelligence theory. It provides implications, limitations, and promising directions for future research on celebrity politicians.

• Strategy21
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• 통권36호
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• pp.5-32
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• 2015

Geopolitics or Political Geography is an essential academic field that should be studied carefully for a more comprehensive analysis of international security relations. However, because of its tarnished image as an ideology that supported the NAZI German expansion and aggression, geopolitics has not been regarded as a pure academic field and was rejected and expelled from the academic communities starting from the Cold War years in 1945. During the Cold War, ideology, rather than geography, was considered more important in conducting and analyzing international relations. However, after the end of the Cold War and with the beginning of a new era in which territorial and religious confrontations are taking place among nations - including sub national tribal political organizations such as the Al Quaeda and other terrorist organizations - geopolitical analysis again is in vogue among the scholars and analysts on international security affairs. Most of the conflicts in international relations that is occurring now in the post-Cold War years can be explained more effectively with geopolitical concepts. The post - Cold War international relations among East Asian countries are especially better explained with geopolitical concepts. Unlike Europe, where peaceful development took place after the Cold War, China, Japan, Korea, the United States, Taiwan and Vietnam are feeling more insecure in the post-Cold War years. Most of the East Asian nations' economies have burgeoned during the Cold War years under the protection of the international security structure provided by the two superpowers. However, after the Cold War years, the international security structure has not been stable in East Asia and thus most of the East Asian nations began to build up stronger military forces of their own. Because most of the East Asian nations' national security and economy depend on the oceans, these nations desire to obtain more powerful navies and try to occupy islands, islets, or even rocks that may seem like a strategic asset for their economy and security. In this regard, the western Pacific Ocean is becoming a place of confrontation among the East Asian nations. As Robert Kaplan, an eminent international analyst, mentioned, East Asia is a Seascape while Europe is a Landscape. The possibility of international conflict on the waters of East Asia is higher than in any other period in East Asia's international history.

• 한국경영과학회지
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• 제23권4호
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• pp.225-234
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• 1998

little attention has been given to the analysis of electronic democracy media, although electronic democracy, if adopted in Korea, is expected to enhance the quality of the political culture to a large extent. This research is to compare electronic democracy media, such as Internet, cable TV, teleconferencing, fax, and ARS and suggest recommendations on the successful Introduction strategy of electronic democracy in Korea. The analysis of collected data yields research findings, such as the fact that internet will be the most effective medium and a strategy for popularizing internet needes to be developed in advance.

• 수완나부미
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• 제14권2호
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• pp.233-249
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• 2022

Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) is an Islamic social movement that struggles to change the existing political system to the Islamic system. HT argues that all problems in the Muslim world are rooted in adopting secular thought and ideology and the separation between Islam and the state. Hence, HT works to persuade Muslims to abandon that way of life and only apply Islam as the country's only ideology and constitution. HT has spread this narrative since it started in 1953 in Jordan. With this ideological and political attitude, many countries consider HT a threat to their political and community life, suppressing this movement by arresting members and banning the group to reduce or end HT activities in these countries. The Indonesian government has also carried out this repressive policy to limit the influence of Indonesian HTI since 2017. This paper aims to discuss the strategy of Hizb ut-Tahrir to continue its political activities Indonesia after being dissolved by the Indonesian government in 2017. This article used content analysis method to interpret the data collected from interview and documents from Hizb ut-Tahrir. Responding to state repression, HTI sought other methods of action by changing the place of resistance or activities, and by changing its identity.