• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제8권1호
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• pp.15-29
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• 2009

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.1-21
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• 2010

• 분석과 대안
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.5-28
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• 2019

This study suggests that Korea - Russia economic cooperation, which has been sluggish in the meantime, should be revitalized as a small, medium sized business that can be practiced at the local level of both countries. Some large scales of national projects were difficult to realize due to some internal and external factors. Therefore, if Russia's Far East region of the complementary economic structure with the Korea's Gyeonggi Province of Korea could form the basis of cooperation by centering on SMEs, it further can be positive for promoting cooperation among South Korea, North Korea and Russia. The trilateral cooperation among two Koreas and Russia is necessary for the balance of political and economic powers in the East Asia. China's retaliation case regarding THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) clearly showed that the greater the economic dependence on a particular country, the more threatening it could be. Therefore, it is important for the political and economic security to keep the balance by diversifying economic cooperation counterparts. As China's influence in the global economy grows, building value chains for mutual prosperity with various neighboring countries is gaining great importance. To this end, this paper examined Russia's Eurasian Strategy, New East Policy, and Far East Development Policy which were designed to seek the way to establish Russia's independent economic zone not absorbed by Europe and China.

• 한국국방경영분석학회지
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• 제17권2호
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• pp.1-15
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• 1991

If one were to say that war is political in its nature, then war could be one of the several ways of achieving political goals. Thus, the aspect of wars will, in certainty, be altered by the changes in political environment. Wars in the past broke out mainly due to ideological differences that ran to extremes and were of high intensity. However, wars today show such restraints as controlling them beforehand or during the war in anticipation of the post-war situation. The trend of ideas to actualize such wars in the effective operation of airpower is on the rise. Airpower normally possesses speed and operative flexibility as well as capability of destruction, so it is possible to destroy the politically declared targets clearly. Previous airpower was merely employed as means of helping to vertically detouring the spatial obstacle that the ground forces encountered. Over the years, due to the speedy improvement of aviation technology and of ideas concerning wars in space, more advanced application has been developed. but they also were nothing more than an auxiliary role to facilotate the ground forces, that needed a longer effective range of firepower and did not become forces with the right of self-determination, that is, the fact of decisive war that makes its outcome. However, under transitional strategic environment like that of the present, Airpower possesses not only the capability to operate as a decisive means of war but also as theories to support it. The advancement in air technology has enabled supremacy over targets in depth, and the development of electronic technology has empowered the improvement of degree of destruction but also triumphant war by means of an overwhelming supremacy in a relatively short period. Thus, the method of systematic destruction that accomplishes the stated goals while rejecting the damage of accumulative destruction has been realized. The progress of such a concept has also proved that the counter-force strategy that has been developed in nuclear strategy is useful in conventional warfare as well. Therefore, it can be said that the under today's strategic environment airpower is an outstanding means of military strategy that can deeply affect to achieve the national objectives.

• Strategy21
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• 통권44호
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• pp.254-290
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• 2018

Why did Kim Jong Un turn his foreign policy upside down in a sudden? US naval blockade became one of candidates for the reason since it had been threatened by Trump administration for the first time in December 2017. Has the blockades worked well like that in the international politic history? This paper reveals the effectiveness of naval blockade on sanctioning in the peacetime. This research analyzes three hypothetical arguments about the naval blockade based on the result of empirical tests with TIES Dataset. First, sanctions by blockading are more effective in gaining political benefits than the other economic sanctions. It was ranked the 4th effective way of sanction out of 9. And 56.3% of pacific naval blockades without packaged economic sanctions were succeeded, whereas the possibility of success increase up to 61.2% when blockade has been imposed in accordance with the other type of economic sanctions. Second, blockades deter military collisions, even war. When it comes to military provocation issue, blockading sanctions gain political interest far more than the other type of economic sanctions. The possibility of the success reaches up to 74%. Also, there wasn't any historical cases of war incurred by blockading sanctions within 5 years after the blockade end. Third, policy makers just need 1.2 years on average to see the end of sanctions when they choose the naval blockade as the method of imposing sanction on the adversary. It is impressively short span of time in achieving political goal compared to the other types of sanctions which are need 9 years on average. North East Asia sea could be the next stage for a naval blockade sooner or later. Because China and Japan not only possess capabilities of blockade but also have will to impose blockades to the others if conditions are set. And even the North Korea with lots of submerging forces could be a blockading threat in the specific area. So, the Republic of Korea has to pay more attention and be prepared for naval blockading sanction.

• 인터넷정보학회논문지
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• 제17권2호
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• pp.87-95
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• 2016

본 연구는 선거캠페인 도구로써의 SNS 역할을 살펴보고자 2015년 4 29 재 보궐 선거 기간 동안의 정동영 후보와 변희재 후보의 SNS 상 메시지에 대한 내용 분석을 실시하였다. 본 연구의 결과로 첫째, 두 후보자의 SNS에 나타난 메시지의 내용적 측면을 분석한 결과 두 후보자 모두 '단순홍보'와 관련된 메시지를 가장 적극적으로 사용한 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, SNS상에 나타난 메시지의 목적을 베노이트(1999)가 제안한 설득적 전략방법에 따라 분석한 결과 두 후보자 모두'주장'의 전략을 가장 두드러지게 사용한 것으로 드러났다. 셋째, SNS상 메시지의 논제를 분석한 결과, 정동영 후보는 '인간적 특성'을, 변희재 후보는 '정책'에 관한 언급이 더 많은 것으로 나타났다.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제14권3호
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• pp.131-154
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• 2010

본 논문은 브라질 현지에 진출하여 직접 경영활동을 수행하고 있는 한국기업들이 직면하고 있는 정치적 환경요인이 무엇인가를 규명하고 이에 어떠한 대응책을 마련하여 경영활동을 전개하고 있는 가를 밝히기 위한 것이라 할 수 있다. 기업의 경영활동에 영향을 미치는 일반 환경요인과 산업 환경요인 중에서 일반 환경요인으로 연구의 대상을 제한하였는데 그 이유는 기업이 오히려 일반 환경에 대한 분석을 체계적으로 실행하고 있지 않다는 지적이 있기 때문이다. 그리고 본 연구에서는 일반 환경요인 중에서 정치적 환경요인만을 분석에 대상에서 포함시켰는데 기업의 현지경영활동에 가장 직접적이고 가시적인 영향력을 가장 강력하게 행사하고 있다는 판단 때문이다. 선행연구를 통해 문헌분석을 실행하였고 이를 토대로 연구가설을 설립한 후 이를 검증하기 위한 실증분석을 실시하였다. 분석결과, 현지의 행정 관료의 비합리적 행태들과 관련 법 시스템의 임의적인 적용환경에 대응하기 위하여 합리적인 적응과 인간관계의 강화 등의 현지경영전략을 실행하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 활용한 통계분석 프로그램은 기술통계를 위해서는 SPSS 12.0 그리고 추리통계에는 AMOS 12.0 등이다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권30호
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• pp.236-262
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• 2012

Morgenthau claims that in international relations, there are the economic, political, and military powers that enable a nation to achieve its political and diplomatic goals. This paper explores the possibility of resolving international conflicts with naval power. First, the theoretical and historical perspective, naval power was used as a final resort to force a nation's political or diplomatic objective on an enemy nation when negotiations failed, and this was done through the physical and psychological destruction of the enemy by naval power. But as the use of military power has decreased because of the invention of the nuclear weapon, the existence of a large and capable navy deterrent has become one of the most useful military options among a nation's diplomatic measures. In other words, he focused on the political usefulness of naval power as a deterrent and coercive diplomatic tool for persuading other nations to acquiesce, rather than using naval power and actual military action as a final resort. The reason for this is that compared to army and air force, navy's flexibility, continuity, and the ability to deter are greater. The navy provides excellent accessibility through its wide mobility on the sea, and it has been shown through research that the navy possesses a political usefulness that facilitates the solution of conflicts through presence, naval intervention, and naval blockade. On the other hand, among the factors that could improve the influence of the navy are alliance relations, a reliable and powerful navy, carrots and sticks that it would have to deal with in the case of successful or unsuccessful negotiations, and support from international opinion. On this paper I introduce E.N.Luttwak's naval suasion theory. By the his theory, there are two mode of naval suasion. One is latent naval suasion the other is active suasion. Latent suasion there are deterrent mode and supportive mode. Active naval suasion there are coercive mode and supportive mode. Coercive mode has positive and negative. The limitations of naval suasion have been identified as follows. First, because the objective of the use of naval power is persuading enemy nations, the results are unpredictable. Second, the leaders of all countries possess limited understanding on the complexities of naval power and therefore lack understanding of the usefulness of naval power when choosing options. Third, in case of failure through naval suasion, prestige and reputation of a nation can be damaged. Finally, the following are additional possible research topic. First, a research on the decision making process of choosing naval power as a measure to resolve conflicts is needed. Lastly, research on the size of the navy and types of ships required for efficient naval suasion is needed. Today's world requires cooperative security regime so that middle class navy also requires political use of naval power in solving international conflicts. Therefore, additional research on this topic is needed.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제16권1호
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• pp.1-21
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• 2017

The Jakarta Provincial Government utilizes the YouTube channel to interact with citizens and enhance transparency. The purpose of this study is to explore online perceptions of local government image perceived by online audiences through the YouTube platform. The concepts of organizational image and credibility in the political image are adapted to analyze online public perceptions on the Jakarta Provincial Government image. Using the video summarization approach on Three hundred and forty-six official YouTube videos, which were uploaded from 1 March 2016 to 31 May 2016, and content analysis of Eight thousand two hundred and thirty-seven comments, this study shows both political and bureaucratic image emerge concurrently in the Jakarta Provincial Government case. The typology model is proposed to describe and explain the four image variations that occurred in the case study. Practical recommendations are suggested to manage YouTube channel as one of the social media used in the local government context.

• 한국전기전자재료학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국전기전자재료학회 2009년도 하계학술대회 논문집
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• pp.463-464
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• 2009

This paper describes the political and technical trends of foreign 10 countries advanced in solar energy field. In the trend analysis, a couple of statistical data and related references were compared. As a result, all of the advanced countries mentioned in this paper have their own PV policy strategies and regulatory frameworks to strengthen their stable market structures and have financially supported by various types of incentives and tariff systems. It was confirmed that the political basis and technical regulations including electrical safety have to be prepared as soon as possible at both national and rural level in this country.