• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제7권9호
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• pp.251-261
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• 2020

The paper examines the role of some determinants of economics, politics and institutions on the budget deficit volatility in some countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) such as Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam. The paper uses the fixed effects model (FEM) and the random effects model (REM) to investigate panel data of these countries in the period of 1990-2018. Moreover, the study also explores ordinary least square (OLS) to analyze time-series data for each country in the same period to make comparison among them. The economic data is collected from international financial statistics and world development indicators. The data on political variables are collected from International Country Risk Data Guide (ICRG). The empirical results both confirm that corruption and political stability are important indicators of budget deficit. Besides, the paper suggests authorities should pay more attention on improving the institutional setup of the economy in order to avoid high and unstable deficit. The findings offer new insight on the budget deficit in essence and suggest that the most important thing need to be done ahead is to strongly implement anti-corruption actions. By doing so, the status of budget deficit would be remarkably improved immediately.

• 의정연구
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.35-65
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• 2009

본 연구의 목적은 미국 연방 하원에서의 의사규칙 변화를 역사적으로 개괄·분석하고, 그 변화의 방향에 대한 논의를 통해 의회 의사규칙의 입법 과정 및 입법 결과에서의 역할에 대해 논의하는 것이다. 이를 바탕으로 입법 구조 및 과정을 포함한 의회 운영에 있어 산적한 개혁과제를 안고 있는 한국 국회의 의회 개혁방향에 대한 일정한 시사점을 도출하려 한다. 이를 위해 먼저 본 연구는 미국 건국 초기부터 최근까지의 의회에서의 일련의 주요한 개혁 내용을 일별한 후, 하원에서의 상임위원회와 정당 리더십 사이의 권한 배분의 동학에 대해 논의하고, 정치적 안정, 소수당 권리의 보호, 법안 심의의 숙고 등을 중심으로 의회 개혁을 평가하도록 한다.

• 한국시스템다이내믹스연구
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• 제16권4호
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• pp.51-81
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• 2015

The main purpose of this study is to seek better approach which explains reciprocal causality associated with factors causing social conflict and improving social integration respectively. Throughout this study, there are several important implications how social conflict can be solved in South Korea. In particular, government and policy makers in political sector should create an environment of social integration through political reforms by switching from vertical structure to horizontal structure and by encouraging ordinary people to actively participate in the policy-making processes and political activities. In economic sector, government and stakeholder associated with a certain economic issue should induce a change in the economic environment for social integration, focusing on distribution of wealth and employment stability. In social and cultural sectors, it is necessary to solve social and cultural problems (e.g., generation gap and conflict between the young and the old, multi-ethnic families, and lack of communication) by exploring better ways to establish an altruism and to interact with each other. In psychological sectors, PsyCap(Positive Psychological Capital) will help ordinary people to crate positive thinking and lead to social integration. For instance, political leaders having PsyCap are able to communicate with the people and can help the people to build positive main influencing on social integration. Finally, the improvement of the system is required because the improvement of insufficient system is the basis for reasonable and equitable social integration.

• 인터넷정보학회지
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• 제14권3호
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• pp.35-51
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• 2013

The Digital Cold War argument has become one of the heatedly discussed foreign policy agendas in the U.S. Considering the authority and power of the U.S. government and Internet companies in the cyberspace, this shift is not negligible in understanding not only the changes in the U.S. foreign and military policies but also that in the operations of the global Internet governance. Given these circumstances, I seek to explain the origins of and test the theoretical validity of the Digital Cold War argument. In particular, I analyze how the political concerns of the Chinese authorities shaped the characteristics of their control of the domestic Internet and their approach to the global Internet governance. The findings indicate that the Chinese way of the Internet governance is more concerned of their domestic political stability than overthrowing the current Internet governance regime, which many supporters of the Digital Cold War argument cited as the key evidence of such political contentions. Though the Digital Cold War argument is theoretically unwarranted, its growing popularity and the historical lessons of the Cold War have broad implications to the understanding of the impacts of the great power rivalries on the future Internet governance.

• 산업진흥연구
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• 제6권4호
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• pp.69-81
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• 2021

파키스탄은 남아시아의 상서로운 개발도상국이다. 국제투명성기구(Transparency International)의 2020년 부패인식지수 보고서에 따르면 파키스탄은 0(최저)에서 100(최고)까지의 정치적 안정성 측면에서 전 세계적으로 총 31점으로 124위, -2.25점으로 188위를 기록했다. 더 결정적으로, 파키스탄에 대한 외국인 직접 투자의 유입은 2008년과 2019년 사이에 감소했다. 정치적 불안정과 정부 부패는 외국인 직접 투자와 양의 선형 관계와 음의 선형 관계를 모두 가지고 있지만, 본 연구에서는 시간이 지남에 따라 정치적 불안정과 외국인 직접 투자 사이의 정부 부패의 완화된 영향을 테스트했다. 또한 같은 국가의 여러 정치 체제에서 정치적 불안정과 외국인 직접 투자 사이의 관계를 테스트했다. 따라서, 본 연구의 결과는 권위주의 정권이 민주적 정부 기간보다 더 많은 외국인 직접 투자를 유치했음을 시사하였다. 더욱이, 우리는 그 나라에서 정부의 부패가 심할 때 외국인 직접 투자가 적다는 것을 발견했다. 그러나 정부의 부패는 정치적 불안정과 외국인 직접 투자(FDI) 사이의 긍정적인 관계를 약화시켰다.

• 통상정보연구
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• 제7권4호
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• pp.367-386
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• 2005

The purpose of this is to analyze environment of foreign direct investment and Act in Korea and to find invitation and extension of foreign direct investment into Korea. Investment incentives, simplification of investment procedures, image improvement, increased public relations and investment support services are all factors which can be enhanced in the short term to positively influence investors decision-making in where to invest. Since the enactment of the Foreign Investment Promotion Act in November of 1998, there has been a signification improvement in Korea's investment environment in terms of policies and systems. It is expected that the foreign direct investment environment in Korea will continue to improve through the improvement in political stability, labor-management relations and easing of political tensions between the North and South, in the long term, as well as through improvements in investment incentives, investment procedures and public relations activities, in the short term.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.28-42
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• 2022

The aim of this article is to rethink the role of international trade as a public diplomacy tool by considering the uncertainties that stem from political tensions. The main contribution made in this article is theoretical rather than statistical. However, we analyze trade and public opinion data to study the relationship between both factors. Using Latinobarometer, a cross-sectional survey that collects public opinion data from Latin America, this article analyses public opinion toward the United States and China. One of the main takeaways from this study is that, despite its potential to showcase political stability, public diplomacy undervalues 'unintended consequences' of international trade relations. This article takes up international trade as an unintended, but arguably effective, resource to be developed for the practice of public diplomacy. Findings presented in this article do not claim causation between trade and opinion, something that can be explored by further research, but rather introduce new questions for further research on the public diplomacy of trade relations.

• 대한지리학회지
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• 제48권5호
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• pp.686-708
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• 2013

본 연구는 온라인 국민참여서비스, 사이버정당, 시민사회네트워크의 발달과 운동 등으로 구분되는 다양한 사이버정치 활동이 온라인에서 어떤 특징을 보이는지, 가상공간 안에서의 정치 활동이 오프라인의 환경과 어떤 연관성이 있는지 알아보는 것에 목표가 있다. 이를 위해 2012년 대통령 선거에서 사이버정치 활동을 했던 32명의 20대를 중심으로 연구를 수행하였고, 그 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 가장 일반적인 사이버정치의 형태인 온라인 국민참여서비스의 경우, 온 오프라인에서 모두 정보의 탐색 및 획득은 누구나 쉽게 접근이 가능하고, 열려 있는 장소에서 일어나며, 정보의 창출과 재구조화는 안정감과 보호받고 있다는 느낌이 있는 닫혀 있고 지극히 개인적인 곳에서 이루어지고 있다. 둘째, 우리나라의 사이버정당은 가교공간으로 활용할 수 있는 충분한 여건을 갖추고 있음에도 불구하고 그 기능을 수행하지 못하나, 즉각 형성 소멸되는 즉시적 사회공간을 창출하는 데 부분적으로나마 공헌하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 마지막으로 시민사회네트워크의 발달과 운동을 통해 형성된 온라인 관계는 정치적 성향과 관심에 따라 분절되며, 이는 오프라인에서의 네트워크와 주요 활동장소의 선택에까지 영향을 미친다.

• 한국병원경영학회지
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• 제12권4호
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• pp.45-67
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• 2007

This study is focused on the medical services market in china which would be the largest one in the world sooner or later. An empirical research has been performed on the country images and related buying attitudes of the Chinese potential consumers for foreign medical services of more higher level. Upon the basis of this research results, the components of a country image has been restructured and the country image effects on the process of a purchasing decision of the advanced foreign medical services in China has been investigated and analyzed. This research shows that the forming process and the dimensions of a country image in Chinese consumers are rather simplified than the former researches of the same kind in any other countries. In China the expectation and buying intension for foreign medical services is found to be affected directly by a country image. Furthermore among various components of a country image the expected service quality level of the Chinese is found to be mostly dependent on the social stability and safety rather than on the degree of economic developments. Recently breaking through the domestic medical market crisis, more and more hospitals consider to advance into Chinese medical market. This research shows that the reexamination and political concerns on the country image of Korea are needed in the level of government's public relations. Especially the proactive policy making and propaganda of political, social and economic stability and safety in Korea are thought to be more important for successful entry in Chinese medical services market.

• Acta Via Serica
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.119-135
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• 2016

The initial phase of the Mongol invasion resulted in the establishment of relative political stability in the vast expanses of Eurasia, which came under the control of a single political entity - the Mongol realm. This contributed to a fairly rapid restoration of the commercial links and trade routes between the East and the West. During this period, Chinese silk again became available in large quantities in the Western markets. At the same time, the beginning of silk production and manufacturing of silk fabrics in Italy and the fashion flash for these goods in Western countries affected trade between Europe and the Muslim world. The centers of silk production in the Ilkhanid Empire were some provinces of Azerbaijan and Persia, where from it was exported in large numbers along the trade routes of Anatolia and Syria to the Mediterranean ports and further to the west. There are numerous testimonies of European travelers, and Muslim authors related the international silk trade in 13th-15th centuries, ie in the era from the Mongol Ilkhanid Empire till the reign of the Turkman Aqqoyunlu dynasty. One of the most informative documentary sources on this issue are the legislative codes (kanuname) of sultan Uzun Hasan from the Aqqoyunlu dynasty regarding the eastern provinces of the Asia Minor. This article presents and analyzes the information from these documents concerning the whole range of goods related to silk and silk fabrics trade in the period under the consideration.