• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.13-26
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• 1985

^x The enviroment defines the living conditions for people and has at the same time the possibility to create new environment. In Korea, where the rate of urbanization reached more than 50% in 1970′s the priority has been put on the economic development and administrative function. Under the circumstance, visual environmental field was dealt lightly and it resulted in undesirable environment. The techniques of Mordern Arts (Montage, Depeysment, Tromp L′oeil, P.O.P Art, etc.) helped Super Graphics appear in the urban areas. Environmental Art has been expended into the public space and people came to recognize the Arts as the "Street Art" or "Street as Gallery". Super Graphics has four types 1) Resident′s Super Graphics ; Minority groups came to maintain social equality and rights, in cooperation with each other. Such maintenance required general urbanites to form communities which gave birth to the community art, Mural Painting. 2) Environmental Super Graphics ; Beauty has come to be stressed in order to improve the quality of urban lives in the course of inescapable urban development. Instead of renewal of all established construction conservation oriented renewal was encouraged. 3) Super Graphics as Population Arts ; In the 1960′s artists repulsed the establishments in an efforts to open new phase independent from the expressional in the arts. They recognized the relationship between painting, society and the public in different angle and tried to describe all living space on canvas. 4) Super Graphics as Advertisement ; Super Graphics functions as efficient media to deliver images to the urbanites. Super Graphics as media plays the role for political propaganda and commercial advertisements according to their purposes. In Korea, especially, it is required to introduce the environmental Super Graphics. But it is desirable to introduce Super Graphics with Korean culture and sense of beauty. Designers themselves are also required to have responsibility to improve the quality of urban culture.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.387-415
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• 2009

The crisis of moral-ethical school subject is related to the scientific identity of moral education in Korean society. Because it's identity hasn't been established yet exactly. At past time 'National Ethics' included not only moral education, but also anti-Communist education and education of political ideology or propaganda. The scientific foundation of ethical education is on ethics, and it is a branch of philosophy. But to escape this fact, some scholars relating with ethical education claimed to need 'interdisciplinary approach' to ethical subject. As a result, they allowed other department to give their certificates. Futhermore it is at a crisis to be integrated into social subject. Philosophy as scientific origin of ethics has already not interdisciplinary character but the idea of integrated science. So there is no necessity for finding another scientific foundation. Now following the original goal of ethical education, they try to train the ability of moral judgement to solve various moral problems rationally, and to cultivate moral disposition that can practice the ideal and principles of life.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.93-127
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• 2014

During the four years following the sinking of the Cheonan frigate in 2010, the South Korean public opinion has seen changes in four basic ways. First, public polls with respect to the cause of the sinking show that 70% of the people consider North Korea as the culprit, while 20% maintain that it was not an act carried out by North Korea. Second, the opinions relative to the cause of the incident seem to vary according to age difference, generational difference, and educational difference. From 2011, people in their 20s showed 10% increase in regarding North Korea as the responsible party. People in their 30s and 40s still have a tendency not to believe the result of the investigation carried out by the combined military and civilian group. Third, the most prominent issue that arose aftermath of the Cheonan incident is the fact that political inclination and policy preference are influencing the scientific determination of the cause. In other words, scientific and logical approach is lacking in the process of determining the factual basis for the cause. This process is compromised by the inability of the parties concerned in sorting out what is objective and what is personal opinion. This confused state of affairs makes it difficult to carry on a healthy, productive debate. Fourth, rumors, propaganda, and disinformation generated by pro-North Korea Labor Party groups in the internet and SNS are causing considerable impact in forming the public opinion. Proposed Strategy 1. The administration can ascertain public trust by accurately determining the nature of the provocation based on accurate information in the early stages of the incident. 2. Education in scientific, logical, rational methodologyis needed at home, school, and workplace in order toenhance the people's ability to seek factual truths. 3. In secondary education, the values of freedom, human rights, democracy, and market economy must be reinforced. 4. It is necessary for the educational system to teach the facts of North Korea just as they are. 5. Fundamental strength of free democratic system must be reinforced. The conservative, mainstream powers must recognize the importance of self-sacrifice and societal duties. The progressive political parties must sever themselves from those groups that take instructions from North Korea's Labor Party. The progressives must pursue values that are based on fundamental human rights for all. 6. Korean unification led by South Korea is the genuine means to achieve peace in a nuclear-free Korean peninsula. The administration must recognize that this unification initiative is the beginning of the common peace and prosperity in the Far East Asia, and must actively pursue international cooperation in this regard.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.21 no.6
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• pp.57-69
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• 2020

As more people share their opinions in online communities, such as Internet portals and social networking services, more opinions are manipulated for the benefit of particular individuals and groups. In particular, when manipulations occur for political purposes, they influence election results as well as government policies and the quality of life. This type of manipulation has targeted the general public, and their analysis and detection has also focused on such manipulation. However, to more efficiently spread propaganda, recent manipulations have targeted common interest groups(e.g., a group of those interested in real estate) and propagated information whose content and style are customized to those groups. This work characterizes such manipulations on common interest groups and proposes method to detect manipulations. To this end, we collected and analyzed opinions posted on 10 common interest groups before and after an election. As a result, we found that manipulations on common interest groups indeed occurred and were gradually increasing toward the election date. We also proposed a detection system that examines individual opinions, their authors, and their collaborators. Using the collected opinions, we demonstrated that the proposed system can accurately classify more than 90% of manipulated opinions and that many of these opinions were posted by multiple collaborators. We believe that regular audits of opinions using the proposed system can quickly isolate manipulations and decrease their impact. Moreover, the proposed features can be used to identify manipulations in domains other than politics.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.7 no.5
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• pp.982-991
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• 2006

The screen quota system is one of the most controversial issues in the Korean film industry. There are two different points of view regarding the system. Some say it is highly effective to protect and nurture Korean movies. However, others argue that it hurts the duality of the Korean movies. The number of days, for which Korean movies have to play on local screens, has been reduced to 73, starting on July 1st, 2006. Actually, it is 50 percent fewer than the previous year. In facL Korea has implemented the screen quota. system two times. First, it was practiced from 1935 to 1945, during the Japanese colonial period. This was to regulate imported movies, especially American ones, as the Japanese government was to use movies for the political propaganda. In 1935, the number of foreign movies screened had to be less than three fourths of the total. And they gradually reduced the size by two thirds in 1936, and again by half in 1937. After the attack on Pearl Harbor when the Pacific War happened, Japan completely banned importing American movies in Korea. The reason why it regulated the imported foreign films is to increase the number of domestic movies, both Japanese and Korean. It was for making propaganda films fur carrying the war. The second practice of the screen quota is from 1967 to the present year. It was designed to boom the Korean film industry. However, the competitive power of Korean films has not been improved in spite of the practice of the system. Moreover, the film industry has gone through the depression. Korean film agencies have occupied the Korean film market thanks to the protection by government. The founding of the film agencies has been strongly regulated. So has importing foreign movies. Under the special protection like this, Korean film agencies have been enjoying the monopoly In the mean time, they have pursued income not by making quality movies but by importing foreign movies. As a result, cinema audiences turn away form Korean films and prefer foreign movies. Furthermore, the screen quota system hurts the relationship between film producers and distributors, imposing the duties only on theaters. In short, the screen quota system has satisfied neither film producers, theater runners, nor film goers. In other words. the excessive protection has weakened the competitive power of Korean film industry.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.29-39
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• 2020

Online communities, such as Internet portal sites and social media, have become popular since they allow users to share opinions and to obtain information anytime, anywhere. Accordingly, an increasing number of opinions are manipulated to the advantage of particular groups or individuals, and these opinions include falsified product reviews and political propaganda. Existing detection systems are built upon the characteristics of manipulated opinions for one particular time period. However, manipulation tactics change over time to evade detection systems and to more efficiently spread information, so detection systems should also evolve according to the changes. We therefore propose a system that helps observe and trace changes in manipulation tactics. This system classifies opinions into clusters that represent different tactics, and changes in these clusters reveal evolving tactics. We evaluated the system with over a million opinions collected during three election campaigns and found various changes in (i) the times when manipulations frequently occur, (ii) the methods to manipulate recommendation counts, and (iii) the use of multiple user IDs. We suggest that the operators of online communities perform regular audits with the proposed system to identify evolutions and to adjust detection systems.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.50
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• pp.91-115
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• 2017

Recently the characteristics of those who committed serious terrorist crimes are not directly related to the direct command system of a specific terrorist organization (ex. IS) but are influenced by the political propaganda of terrorist organizations online, Terrorist crime under the loose form of the terrorist organization. Therefore, this study suggests ways to improve countermeasures against terrorism in metropolitan subways. Although it is important for the prevention of terrorism in the subway, it is important for the police officers of the subway police and the special police officers of the railway to have a physical limit to take charge of them, and after confirming that improvement measures are necessary, And pointed out the possibility of establishing independent security departments where judicial and administrative control is not feasible to grant police rights. In addition, I pointed out how to improve the safety of subways in the metropolitan area through the recruitment of core job candidates and the identity survey during the subway operation. Furthermore, it was confirmed that a special council on terrorism, which can take into consideration the characteristics of subway terrorism, such as airports and ports, is required to be established in charge of terrorism prevention under the current Anti-Terrorism Act. Finally, it is once again emphasized that the strengthening of the powers of the counterparts to terrorism must inevitably limit the basic rights of the people, so the principle of proportionality must be observed in their activities.

• Strategy21
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• s.39
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• pp.82-113
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• 2016

This paper analyzes the contents and the effects of the UNSC 2270, and its implications to South Korea's defense strategy and navy. The UN Security Council passed strong sanctions against North Korea which punish North Korea's 4^th nuclear test. The sanctions compared to the previous ones require international society to take practical actions such as comprehensive trade bans as well as diplomatic isolation which will put significant pains on North Korea. Especially, these measures would greatly hamper economic development policy of Kim Joung-un regime. Because Kim Jung-un regime has inherent legitimacy problems which stems from the third family succession of the power, economic difficulties may play an important cause on the regime instability in the long term. In fact, the United States sees this possibility as an option to coerce North Korea in which North Korea choose denuclearization for its regime survival. Nevertheless, the prospects of the UN sanctions are not so optimistic. Considering North Korea's willingness for nuclear development and its level of nuclear technology, North Korea will try to play a gambit with the US and South Korea by exploiting its strategic advantages. North Korea's response will have three following strategies. First, it would actively pursue political and economic survival strategy by using China's support for the regime, strengthening its power grip in the name of countering US hostile policy, and enhancing peace propaganda. Second, North Korea will accelerate efforts to position its status as a nuclear de facto state. For this purpose, it could create nuclear crisis on the peninsula. Third, it would exploit local provocations as an exit strategy to get over the current situation. In order to counter North Korea's actions and punish North Korea's behavior strongly, South Korea needs following strategies and efforts. It should first make all the efforts to implement the UN sanctions. Strong and practical nuclear deterrence strategy and capability with the U.S. should be developed. Effective strategy and capabilities for the prevention and deterrence of North Korea's provocation should be prepared. For this purpose, North Korea's provocation strategy should be thoroughly reviewed. Active international cooperation is needed to punish and coerce North Korea's behavior. Finally, South Korea should prepare for the possible occurrence of North Korea's contingency and make use of the situation as an opportunity to achieve unification. All these strategies and efforts demand the more active roles and missions of South Korea's navy and thus, nullify North Korea's intention militarily.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.31
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• pp.261-293
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• 2005

This article aims at investigating the origin of 'gookmin', which is currently working as the dominant discourse and leading identity in the South Korean society. Like 'nation', 'people' or/and 'citizen', the term of 'gookmin' is a very much particular and historical outcome of the colonial modernity. Nevertheless, however, there have been not so much serious socio-linguistic, cultural-political studies about its root. It is theoretically as well as practically quite important to trace back the birth of 'gookmin', which is working as an ideological, epistemological frame in/between subject and reality. In this regard, this article will consider the late Japanese colonial period as a key period of the birth of 'gookmin'. It will then critically scrutinize how the total mobilization system by adopted the colonial government has formed the discourse and subjectivity of 'gookmin' based on various physical apparatuses. By revealing that a totalistic nation/state of Japanese colonialism is behind 'gookmin', which wanted to mobilize every individuals into a so-called article of empire, this article tries to show the fascist and propaganda nature of 'gookmin' continuing even after the liberation. As a historical-materialist work of deconstruction the dominant discourse of 'gookmin', this study will basically take a cultural studies approach.