• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.31
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• pp.9-49
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• 2005

This research analyzes contents of international news in the North Korean newspapers to examine the relationships between foreign policy of the labor party and propaganda of foreign affairs. The results show that international news of the Rodong shinmun and Minjoo Chosun as the ideological apparatus reflects the recent changes of foreign policy of the Kim Jung-Il regime, aiming at the successful control and mobilization of the people. However, the coverage difference between two newspapers has not been found, which means that the press control of the state is routinized. The relationships between political power and the press in North Korea has been discussed from the perspective of international communication.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.25-46
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• 2011

The state-sangha relations in the countries of Theravada Buddhism has often been described as a mutually dependent patron-client relation in which the state and the sangha support each other by performing their due roles. Yet this theory involves a normative dimension that prescribes such a relation as the ideal in the Buddhist world. The explanatory power of this theory hence is hampered in a country where the ideal is not fully realized. In the wake of tumultuous political upheaval where political rivals vie for the state the ideal as well as the theory are put into a trial. The tragic history of modern Cambodia is a history of ceaseless conflict in which multiple contenders for the state had to define their relations with the sangha. The relations defined turned out less mutual than supposed. The state-sangha relations were rather unilaterally dependent. More often than not the sangha was subject to state control with no power to confront the state or coopted only to become a tool for political propaganda and manipulation. The sangha always played the role of client, waiting for the state to define the relation and to be benevolent. Even when the monks were forced to disrobe and when the sangha itself was annihilated, all they did was to wait for another patron state that would put the sangha back in place. The state-sangha relations the Cambodian history reveals were not close to one in which the two parties benefit each other on an equal basis. It was a patron-client relationship in which the client sangha had to be heavily dependent on the patron state. Such a unilaterally dependent relationship is the one that has prevailed in Cambodia.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.7 no.6
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• pp.1407-1415
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• 2006

Japan started to colonize Korea in 1910. It's when It forced and made Chosun sign on the Treaty of Protectorate. The Chosun faithfully practiced Japan's colonial policy over Korea. Futhermore, it stopped many Koreans from an anti-Japanese movement and tried to make Koreans have a positive attitude towards Japan. For this, Japan advertised the policy called Nae-sun-il-che which meant Korea and Japan were a community together from the same root. Ultimately, it targeted on absorbing Korea within their territory. With this goal, Japan kept on practicing the policy to acculturize and brainwash Koreans, totally depending on force and pressure from 1910 to 1919. However, this policy had changed by the overall anti-Japanese movement happening on March 1st 1919. Saito, the third governor-general who was appointed laster on, made an effort to win over He favor of Koreans in a less forceful way of the cultural politics. The change of policy had been specified in diverse actions such as permitting civil mass-media bodies forming the observation groups and opening conferences. In the case of daily newspapers, Japan had permitted only the ones by the Government-General of Chosun such as Maeil-shinbo, Kyunsung-ilbo, and Seoul Press before, but then other civil newspapers In Korean stated to be released. Along His Japan formed both Korean and Japanese observation groups to promote the mutual understanding and showed off Japan's goods in the propaganda films by implementing a film department. It's because Japan totally recognized and understood the impact of films. Therefore, Japan distincitively established a film agency for the production of propaganda movies while it banned the civil film production after 1937 when Japan started the war against China and USA in row. So, only one film agency, ruled by the Government-General of Chosun, produced movies from 1942 to 1945.

• Korea Journal of Hospital Management
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.45-67
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• 2007

This study is focused on the medical services market in china which would be the largest one in the world sooner or later. An empirical research has been performed on the country images and related buying attitudes of the Chinese potential consumers for foreign medical services of more higher level. Upon the basis of this research results, the components of a country image has been restructured and the country image effects on the process of a purchasing decision of the advanced foreign medical services in China has been investigated and analyzed. This research shows that the forming process and the dimensions of a country image in Chinese consumers are rather simplified than the former researches of the same kind in any other countries. In China the expectation and buying intension for foreign medical services is found to be affected directly by a country image. Furthermore among various components of a country image the expected service quality level of the Chinese is found to be mostly dependent on the social stability and safety rather than on the degree of economic developments. Recently breaking through the domestic medical market crisis, more and more hospitals consider to advance into Chinese medical market. This research shows that the reexamination and political concerns on the country image of Korea are needed in the level of government's public relations. Especially the proactive policy making and propaganda of political, social and economic stability and safety in Korea are thought to be more important for successful entry in Chinese medical services market.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.21 no.7
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• pp.249-256
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• 2021

An issue of security and threat is urgent as well as it concerns everyone: a person, community, state, etc. Today, the question of cybersecurity has become especially relevant due to general digitalization and the spread of the cyberculture. In terms of it, the growing popularity of videogames can be observed. Their impact on society differs significantly, therefore, it needs thorough consideration. The purpose of the article is to disclose the role of videogames in cybersecurity. To achieve the stated purpose, such methods as analysis, synthesis, systematization and practical involvement of videogames have been used. As a result, three levels of possible threat of videogames has been distinguished: videogames as a possibly dangerous software, as a tool of propaganda and spread of stereotypes, as a space for the creation of virtual communities. In conclusion, it is stated that videogames can be not only a threat, but also a tool for strengthening the cybersecurity.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.6
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• pp.27-50
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• 2008

This thesis examines contemporary Chinese painting after the Cultural Revolution(1966~76), focusing upon so-called "Chinese Pop art", which I termed as "Socialist Pop art". I considered the art of this period within the broader context of social changes especially after the Tienanmen incident of 1989. After the Cultural Revolution during which idolization of Chairman Mao was at its peak, one of the major changes in communist China was that an anti-Mao wave was generated in almost every social class. For example, novels that revealed the hardships during the Cultural Revolution were published. Posters that openly criticized the Maoism were also produced and displayed on the walls, and demand for democracy spurred widespread activist movements among young generations. These broad social changes were also reflected in art. A variety of art movements were introduced from the West to China, and after a period of experimentation with the new imported styles, artists began to apply the new artistic idiom to their works in order to visualize their own social and political realities they lived in. It was a shift from earlier Socialist Realism to a new expression either directly or indirectly, "Socialist Pop", an amalgam of Socialist Realism and Pop art tradition. After the 1989 crackdown of Tienanmen Square protest, when communist government quelled with brutal measures the students, workers, and ordinary people who rose for democracy, greater urge to protest the Deng Xiaoping regime emerged. This time coincided with the gradual emergence of art using Pop art vocabulary to satirize the social reality, the Socialist Pop art, along with many other art forms all with avant-garde spirit. One of the most frequent subjects of Chinese Pop art was visual images of Chairman Mao and his Cultural Revolution, and new China that was saturated with capitalism, which tainted the Chinese way of life with a Western way of consumerism and commercialism. The reason for the popularity of Mao's image was spurred by the "Mao Craze" in the early 1990's. People suddenly began to fall in a kind of nostalgia for the past, and once again, Mao Zedong was idolized as an entity who can heal the problems of modern China who had been marching towards their ultimate destination, the economic development. But this time Chairman Mao was no more an idol but just a popular, commercial product. He is no more an object of worship of almost religious nature but he has become an iconography symbolizing the complex nature of present Chinese society. During this process of depicting the social reality, Chinese artists are making the authority and sanctity of Maoism ineffective. Dealing with this new trend of contemporary Chinese art in view of "Socialist Pop art" two manners of re-creating Pop art can be illustrated: one that incorporates the propaganda posters of the Cultural Revolution; the other borrows from Chinese traditional popular imagery or mass media, such as photos taken during Mao era. What is worth mentioning is that these posters and photos of the Cultural Revolution can be identified as 'popular' media, as they were directed to educate the popular mass, thus combination of this ingenuous pop media with Western Pop art can be fully justified as a genre unique to China. Through this genre, we can discover a new chapter of the Chinese contemporary painting and its society, as their Pop art can be considered as self-portraits true to their present appearances.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.187-226
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• 2017

North Korea discourse is doubtful. A considerable portion is distorted under political objectives, group identity, and interests. Surely, there are facts based on North Korea's conducts. Apparent deceptions commonly exist as well though. Korean media does not endeavor to set the records straight and there are no revision towards mislead information. This is substantially dangerous as it can misjudge North Korean policies, beget national antipathy, and interferes with rational and constructive policy making. This study stems from such concerns and takes such cases as HEU(Highly Enriched Uranium) suspicion of 2002, dispute covering BDA(Banco Delta Asia)'s counterfeiting, and the abandonment of the Geneva Agreed Framework into consideration. The first part concentrates on fathoming the truth of the three cases. References from US government, academia, think tanks, media were inquired with an addition of secondary material from Korea and China. Secondly it examines whether domestic news properly reflects the precedent facts along the process of discovery. The cause and solution suggested by domestic media were organized and inductively reconstituted to frames. The last study questions the structural factors that reproduces suspicion analogs. Today's dangers facing Korean society are essentially not natural but artificial. This research hopes to foster peace by analyzing related discourses that are infamous to reinterpret reality.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.203-239
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• 2006

As it is known, during the Second World War Greece has fought on the side of the allies and the end of the war found the country on the winners' side. However, the struggle for authority right after 1945 was merciless and extremely difficult, as well as dangerous for the course of the country to the future. The political powers were divided between the legal authorities that were represented by the king and formed the exiled government on the one hand and the part of the resistance teams and the rebels of the left that had a soviet friendly direction on the other. Thus, the start of a civil war was just a matter of time. It fin ally started in 1947 and lasted for more than two years. The consequences were disastrous for the country's economy and decisive for the future course of Greece. The national army prevailed with the help of, mostly, the English. Royal parliamentary democracy was established with a clear political turn to the west, as a completion and adaptation of the Agreement of the Great Powers at Yalta. Art had a 'similar' route. Dipolar, contradictory: conservative choices on the one side, and a will for pioneering inspiration and perspective on the other side. The 'dominate' trend was first evident in sculpture and mainly in the public monuments. Their construction aimed mostly at the public propaganda and at the promotion of the sovereign ideology. On the one side we have the public sculptures composed of faces of contemporary heroes or leading figures of the civic war and the national resistance. On the other side we have monumental statues mainly that appeal to a 'public' outside of the country's borders and mostly of the north borders, where there are countries with a communistic regime, like Bulgaria, Serbia and Albania. Their subject is derived from the heroic events of the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and ancient historical figures like Alexander the Great as the Greek army leader, his father, Philippos II and Aristotle, who was of a north-Greek origin. The political message is twofold: on the one side the 'inner enemy' the communists that were defeated and the promotion of the new liberal social system and on the other side the north neighbours, which not only represent the East Block, but they also conspire the history and the culture of the Greeks. This is the way how the 'Cold War' was resulted in a full and totalitarian expression in art.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.173-202
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• 2021

During the Korean War, China dispatched 'the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group to North Korea 3 times. The purpose of the comfort group was to comfort the Chinese People's Supporting Soldiers and Joseon People's Army fighting the US imperial forces and at the same time, inform them of China's situation to booster their morale. Another purpose was to promote the socialism construction projects in the new China. Namely, China wanted to propagate various heroic achievements of the Chinese soldiers and accuse the US imperialist soldiers and thereby, inspire Chinese people's international sense and patriotism for the new China to mobilize the people for the war and promote the construction of the new China effectively. The comfort group consisted of diverse classes (laborers, farmers, intellectuals, women, students, soldiers, etc.) in various areas such as politics, military, ethnic, society, culture, education, etc. Their activities were conducted in various forms such as consolation, legwork, meeting and performances. Their activities were full of anger and compassion, sacrifice and emotion, battle and romance, impression and comfort. Such emotion was delivered intact to the Chinese people through the comfort group's propaganda activities back home in China. The Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group revealed their identity of socialists New China in terms of their organization and their specific performances. Their identity claimed for democracy and equality, internationalism empathizing world peace and solidarity of the proletariats, and patriotism supporting the communists regime. The comfort group played a role in propagating such identity of new China effectively by crossing the border. It was a political and cultural performance that stipulated the political meaning of the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Chosun Comfort' group

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information Security & Cryptology
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.103-113
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• 2017

Cyber attacks can be classified by type of cyber war, terrorism and crime etc., depending on the purpose and intent. Those are mobilized the various means and tactics which are like hacking, DDoS, propaganda. The damage caused by cyber attacks can be calculated by a variety of categories. We may identify cyber attackers to pursue trace-back based facts including digital forensics etc. However, recent cyber attacks are trying to induce confusion and deception through the manipulation of digital information or even conceal the attack. Therefore, we need to do the harm-based analysis. In this paper, we analyze the damage caused during cyber attacks from economic and political point of view and by inferring the attack intent could classify types of cyber attacks.