• 제목/요약/키워드: political propaganda

검색결과 39건 처리시간 0.025초

1949년~1966년 시기 중국 선전화 연구 - 유화와 포스터를 중심으로 (Study of Chinese Propaganda Paintings from 1949 to 1966: Focusing on Oil Paintings and Posters)

  • 전희원
    • 미술이론과 현장
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    • 제4호
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    • pp.77-104
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    • 2006
  • The propaganda paintings in oil colors or in forms of posters made from 1949 to 1966 have gone through some changes experiencing the influence of the Soviet Union Art and discussion of nationalization, while putting political messages of the time in the picture planes. The propaganda paintings which have been through this process became an effective means of encouraging the illiterate people in political ideologies, production, and learning. Alike other propaganda paintings in different mediums, the ones which were painted in oil colors and in the form of posters have been produced fundamentally based on Mao Zedong's intensification of the literary art on the talks on literature at Yenan. Yet, the oil paintings and posters were greatly influenced by the socialist realism and propaganda paintings of the Soviet Union, compared to other propaganda paintings in different mediums. Accordingly, they were preponderantly dealt in the discussions of nationalization of the late '50s. To devide in periods, the establishment of People's Republic of China in 1949 as a diverging point, the propaganda paintings made before and after 1949 have differences in subject matters and styles. In the former period, propaganda paintings focused on the political lines of the Communists and enlightenment of the people, but in the latter period, the period of Cultural Revolution, the most important theme was worshiping Mao Zedong. This was caused by reflection of the social atmosphere, and it is shown that the propaganda painters had reacted sensitively to the alteration of politics and the society. On the side of formalities, the oil paintings and posters made before the Cultural Revolution were under a state of unfolding several discussions including nationalization while accepting the Soviet Union styles and contents, and the paintings made afterwards show more of unique characteristics of China. In 1956, the discussion about nationalization which had effected the whole world of art, had strongly influenced the propaganda paintings in oil colors more than anything. There were two major changes in the process of making propaganda paintings in oil colors. One was to portray lives of the Chinese people truthfully, and the other was to absorb the Chinese traditional styles of expression. After this period, the oil painters usually kept these rules in creating their works, and as a result, the subject matters, characters, and backgrounds have been greatly Sinicized. For techniques came the flat colored surface of the new year prints and the traditional Chinese technique of outlining were used for expressing human figures. While the propaganda paintings in oil colors achieved high quality and depth, the posters had a very direct representation of subject matters and the techniques were unskilled compared to the oil paintings. However, after the establishment of People's Republic of China, the posters were used more than any other mediums for propagation of national policy and participation of the political movements, because it was highly effective in delivering the policies and political lines clearly to the Chinese people who were mostly illiterate. The poster painters borrowed techniques and styles from the Soviet Union through books and exhibitions on Soviet Union posters, and this relation of influences constantly appears in the posters made at the time. In this way, like the oil paintings, the posters which have been made with a direct influence of the Soviet Union had developed a new, sinicised process during the course of nationalization. The propaganda paintings in oil colors or in forms of posters, which had undergone the discussion of nationalization, had put roots deep down in the lives of the Chinese people, and this had become another foundation for the amplification of influences of political propaganda paintings in the following period of Cultural Revolution.

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중국 현대 복식의 (탈)정치적 특성 -선전 포스터에 나타난 사례를 중심으로- ((De-)politicization Characteristics of the Chinese Dress Represented in Propaganda Posters)

  • 오단;임은혁
    • 한국의류학회지
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    • 제39권4호
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    • pp.477-491
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    • 2015
  • This study analyzes Chinese dresses featured in propaganda posters since the mid-$20^{th}$ century as well as explores the political characteristics of dress. This study used an in-depth interview method to investigate information from 10 Chinese familiar with public awareness and donning practices of the Chinese from 1949 to present. Interviews and analysis provided the following conclusions. First, Zhongshan-zhuang, Liening-Zhuang and Bulaji were widely worn in the Reconstruction because of the revolutionary spirit; in addition, Huayishang also became simultaneously popular as a means to reflect the new aspects of socialism. Second, Jufu/Junbianfu were the most common dresses during the period of Cultural Revolution because the government used various mechanisms to control public opinion. Third, Western fashion began to enter the Chinese market and suit wearing by the Chinese became a symbol of the Reformation and Open-door policy. Traditional dress is no longer a symbol of Feudalism and is a part of Chinese culture that has been reaccepted in the Reformation and Open-door times. Finally, during these 60 years, Chinese dress has obvious political characteristics, but began to change. The changes of political characteristics were, de-politicization expressed by the introduction of Western ready-made, permissions for traditional dress and diversification/ individualization.

Harmful Disinformation in Southeast Asia: "Negative Campaigning", "Information Operations" and "Racist Propaganda" - Three Forms of Manipulative Political Communication in Malaysia, Myanmar, and Thailand

  • Radue, Melanie
    • Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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    • 제18권2호
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    • pp.68-89
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    • 2019
  • When comparing media freedom in Malaysia, Myanmar, and Thailand, so-called "fake news" appears as threats to a deliberative (online) public sphere in these three diverse contexts. However, "racist propaganda", "information operations" and "negative campaigning" might be more accurate terms that explain these forms of systematic manipulative political communication. The three cases show forms of disinformation in under-researched contexts and thereby expand the often Western focused discourses on hate speech and fake news. Additionally, the analysis shows that harmful disinformation disseminated online originates from differing contextual trajectories and is not an "online phenomenon". Drawing on an analysis of connotative context factors, this explorative comparative study enables an understanding of different forms of harmful disinformation in Malaysia, Myanmar, and Thailand. The connotative context factors were inductively inferred from 32 expert interviews providing explanations for the formation of political communication (control) mechanisms.

Effects of Fake News and Propaganda on Management of Information on Covid-19 Pandemic in Nigeria

  • Odunlade, Racheal Opeyemi;Ojo, Joshua Onaade;Oche, Nathaniel Agbo
    • International Journal of Knowledge Content Development & Technology
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    • 제11권4호
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    • pp.35-51
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    • 2021
  • This study measured the effects of fake news and propaganda on managing information on COVID-19 among the Nigerian citizenry. This study examined sources of information on COVID-19 available to the people, evaluated reasons behind spreading fake news, examined how fake news has affected the spread of COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria, established the consequences of fake news on managing COVID-19 pandemic and as well identified ways to contain fake news at a time like this in Nigeria.It is a survey with a sample size of 375 participants selected using simple random technique. Instrument of data gathering was questionnaire widely distributed in the six geo-political zones of Nigeria using Survey monkey. Data was analysed using frequencies, counts and percentages, tables and charts. Findings revealed that people rely more on radio, television, and social media for information on COVID-19. Fake news is spread by people mostly for political reasons and intention to cause panic. In Nigeria, fake news has led to disbelief of the existence of the virus thereby leading to violation of precautionary measures among the citizenry and lack of trust in the government. Concerted effort on the part of the government is required to give public enlightenment on the danger of fake news. Also, directorate of anti-fake news should be established to censor and reprimand sources of fake news. People should always check source of information to confirm its credibility and be weary of sharing unconfirmed information especially on the social media.

Do North Korean Social Media Show Signs of Change?: An Examination of a YouTube Channel Using Qualitative Tagging and Social Network Analysis

  • Park, Han Woo;Lim, Yon Soo
    • Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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    • 제19권1호
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    • pp.123-143
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    • 2020
  • This study examines the interplay between the reactions of YouTube users and North Korean propaganda. Interesting enough, the study has noticed changes in the strict media environment under young leader Kim. Messages delivered by the communist regime to the outside world appeared to resemble those of 'normal' countries. Although North Korean YouTube was led mainly by the account operator, visitors from different nations do comment on the channel, which suggests the possibility of building international communities for propaganda purposes. Overall, the study observed a sparsely connected social network among ordinary commenters. However, the operator did not exercise tight control over peer-to-peer communication but merely answered questions and tried to facilitate mass participation. In contrast to the many news clips, the documentary content on North Korea's YouTube channel did not explicitly advocate for North Korea's current political positions.

The Dilemma of Cultural Propaganda and Academic Research: New historical drama "Hai Rui's Dismissal" in Shanghai

  • Zhang, Sheng
    • Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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    • 제2권1호
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    • pp.87-111
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    • 2020
  • Since 1949, The first generation leader MAO zedong liked reading history books and historical biography, It led to criticism and evaluation of history and character be targeted in every movement, before the February Outline(er yue ti gang) had been revoked, the Shanghai society discussed "Hai Rui's Dismissal "basically" within the "learning and using Chairman MAO's works(huo xue huo yong mao zhu xi zhu zuo)" category, with the deterioration of the national political situation, based on the historical drama "Hai Rui's Dismissal" discussions, the dilemma of cultural propaganda and academic research appeared.

Public Diplomacy, Propaganda, or What? China's Communication Practices in the South China Sea Dispute on Twitter

  • Nip, Joyce Y.M.;Sun, Chao
    • Journal of Public Diplomacy
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    • 제2권1호
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    • pp.43-68
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    • 2022
  • Multiple modes of communication on social media can contribute to public diplomacy in informing, conversing, and networking with members of foreign publics. However, manipulative behaviours on social media, prevalent especially in high tension contexts, create disruptions to authentic communication in what could be grey/black propaganda or information warfare. This study reviews existing literature about models of public diplomacy to guide an empirical study of China's communication in the #SouthChinaSea conversation on Twitter. It uses computational methods to identify, record, and analyze one-way, two-way, and network communication of China's actors. It employs manual qualitative research to determine the nature of China's actors. On that basis, it assesses China's Twitter communication in the issue against various models of public diplomacy.

선전, 보수세력 그리고 언론: 선전전략으로서 '잃어버린 10년' 분석 (Propaganda, Conservatives, and the Media: Analyzing the "Lost 10 Years" as Propaganda Strategies)

  • 김영욱
    • 한국언론정보학보
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    • 제53권
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    • pp.100-120
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    • 2011
  • 이명박 캠프의 선거 승리는 '잃어버린 10년' 선거전략의 실질적인 성공을 의미한다. 이 연구는 한나라당이 내세웠던 '잃어버린 10년' 선거전략이 기존 문헌에 나타나는 선전전략과 비교해서 어떤 의미를 가지는지 분석하는데 목적을 두었다. 또한 '잃어버린 10년' 선전전략은 한나라당의 선전전략이기도 했지만, 보수언론을 포함하는 전체 보수세력의 일관된 선전전략으로 기능한 측면이 짙다. 따라서 한나라당과 보수언론의 언변을 비교 분석해봄으로써 '잃어버린 10년' 선전전략이 어떤 일관성을 가지고 전개되었는지 알아보고자 하였다. 따라서 이 연구는 주로 어떠한 선전메시지 전략이 사용되었는가를 종합적으로 알아보기 위해 한나라당 홈페이지와 주요 보수신문의 '잃어버린 10년' 관련 기사들을 함께 분석했다. 분석결과, 1차 유형으로 분류된 선전전략들은 2차 라스웰 선전전략 유형과 매우 유사한 형태를 보여주었다. 이는 세부 선전 내용의 주제에 약간의 차이가 있을 뿐 '잃어버린 10년' 선거전략이 전통적인 선전전략의 형태와 매우 닮아 있다는 것을 보여준다. 이와 함께 연구결과는 전통적인 선전전략을 답습한 한나라당의 선거전략이 보수언론의 지원을 통하여 강력하고 상호 보완적인 힘을 발휘했다는 것을 보여준다. 이러한 연구 결과를 바탕으로 보수세력의 선전전략이 가지는 함의와 향후 후속 연구의 가능성에 대해서 논의했다.

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사회와 시장의 체제전환이 애니메이션 프로파간다 표현방식에 미치는 영향- 중국사례를 중심으로- (Changes in the Socialistic Planned Economy System and Propaganda of Animation - Focusing on China -)

  • 김진영
    • 만화애니메이션 연구
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    • 통권40호
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    • pp.83-107
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    • 2015
  • 프로파간다의 의미는 주로 1, 2차 세계대전 기간과 이후 냉전시대의 사회주의체제 국가, 또는 독일을 통치했던 히틀러가 사용했던 정치선전, 흑색선전으로 인식되곤 한다. 따라서 이미지와 영상에 대한 프로파간다의 연구는 주로 정치선전이 활발했던 시기의 사회주의 포스터나 영화를 사례로 연구되었다. 현대사회에서 과거의 정치선전의 성격을 가진 프로파간다는 더 이상 찾아보기 힘들다. 현대의 프로파간다는 정치선전 보다는'설득'을 기본으로 하는 은유적이고 포괄적인 의미로 변하게 되었다. 따라서 과거의 직접적인 정치선전의 의미에서 탈피해, 프로파간다의 의미를 고찰해 보고, 현대적인 프로파간다를 재정의 해보는 과정이 필요해졌다. 또한 현대적인 프로파간다의 의미를 영상사회라고 할 수 있는 현대 영상에서 분석하는 과정도 필요해졌다. 이에 다양한 분야에 사용되는 애니메이션을 대상으로 프로파간다를 분석해보고자 한다. 애니메이션은 영상산업의 대표적인 상품으로 사회와 시장에 민감하게 반응한다. 또한 애니메이션은 남녀노소 모두 시청이 가능하고 모든 연령대를 아우를 수 있는 영상으로서 현대의 은유적이고 간접적인, 다양한 형식의 프로파간다를 분석하는데 적절하다. 이에 애니메이션에 대한 프로파간다 분석 연구의 초보 단계로 애니메이션 프로파간다가 전형적으로 나타났고, 체제변화에 따라 표현방법에 변화가 일어난 중국애니메이션을 사례로 애니메이션 프로파간다의 표현방법을 분석하고자 한다. 사회체제는 그대로 유지하고 경제체제만 변화한 중국의 사례는 애니메이션 프로파간다에 사회체제와 경제체제의 영향을 구분하여 살펴볼 수 있기 때문에 가장 적절한 연구대상이 된다. 중국 애니메이션을 시기별로 작품의 프로파간다의 표현방법을 분석해 체제변화와 프로파간다의 표현방법에 대한 변화를 분석해 낼 수 있고, 분석 결과를 통해 사회와 시장이 애니메이션 프로파간다에 어떤 영향을 미치는지 규정해 볼 수 있다. 중국 애니메이션의 프로파간다의 표현방법은 중국 건국이전과 이후 그리고 문화혁명 전후 분명한 차이를 보이고 있다. 중국 건국 이전 서양의 영향을 많이 받은 작품에서 중국 건국이후 자국의 문화를 이용하여 애니메이션을 제작한 민족 특색적인 애니메이션으로의 변화가 있었고, 문화혁명을 전후하여 정치선전, 선동의 프로파간다가 전형적으로 나타나다가 다시 민족적 특성과 교육적인 프로파간다로 변화하는 과정을 겪는다. 최근에는 해외로의 수출과 해외와의 합작이 늘어가면서 선전과 선동의 의미의 프로파간다는 점점 약해지고 있다.

패션 디자인을 통한 정치·사회적 발언 (The Political and Social Statement through Fashion Design)

  • 고현진
    • 복식
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    • 제62권5호
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    • pp.108-124
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    • 2012
  • The purpose of this study is to examine the political and social statements through fashion design, by comparing with more activated statements in the general design area. To achieve this, the documentary study and practical case study have been executed. First of all, the meaning of design politics was defined and the cases of design practice of political and social statements were reviewed and classified historically. Traditionally, designs have been inextricably linked with political authorities and ideologies. As propaganda, it has been used for power authority to seize power and maintain dominance. On the contrary, they could be an instrument to resist and criticize against contemporary power authority and dominant. Next, the political and social statements were traced historically through fashion design on the basis of the two previously reviewed categories. And then, comparing political and social statements between design and fashion design, the contents and ways of their expressions were similar. In design, there were more various ways when the designers were leading collective behavior, but in fashion design, there were more leading voices of socio-political organizations and resistant counter culture groups. Now, new trends are rising constantly where individual designers' creations express many different socio-political beliefs. This study which inquires designers' political and social involvement will be helpful in making people rethink the social role of fashion design and encouraging conscious fashion design activism.