• 한국디지털정책학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2006.06a
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• pp.39-44
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• 2006

The purport of this paper is to deduce political implication and significance of the proposed redress scheme of 'Consumer Collective Lawsuit (hereinunder "CCL")' under way to be introduced by the Korean government via various assessments per each phase of policy implementation process. To this end, the paper classifies the subject policy (referring to CCL) implementation process into 4 phases: policy origination, policy enactment, policy advertisement, and policy execution. Based on the said classification, assessments per each phase together with pros and cons analysis have been conducted. Through the aforementioned analysis, the paper concludes the following political implication and significance of CCL under way of introduction: - 1. In the case of policy origination led by external parties, a social consensus by and from involved parties with various interests is the most critical; 2. Prior feasibility and/or suitability study is also crucial in the policy implementation procedure; 3. To mitigate inter-ministerial conflicts that might arise from the due policy making procedure, democratization of conflict settlement mechanism, and institutionalization of participation in and disclosure of policy making process are cal led upon; and 4. Prior planning wi th respect to the public relation and advertisements of the subject policy on the table poses substantial significance.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.52
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• pp.5-26
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• 2010

This study explores how major Korean television evening news report, interpret and evaluate the Korean Grand Canal Project(KGCP). For this research, 488 news clips regarding the KGCP are selected among the MBC, KBS and SBS daily evening news. As a result, the findings are as follows: First, the ratios of analyzing reports for MBC, brief reports for KBS, and straight news for SBS are outstanding. At the same time, the three news companies show that they are against the KGCP through the reporting attitudes. However, the most frequently broadcasted news frames is the authoritative political execution for both MBC and KBS, and the political agenda for SBS news respectively. In terms of the most frequently interviewed group for all three news is the government and ruling Grand National Party; they are the most favor of the authoritative political executions and the political agenda news frames. However, the NGO groups and the opposition parties which are against the KGCP support "Process" in terms of the frames activity. Finally, MBC speaks out the frame activity of "Process", supporting the political opposition parties and NGO groups. On the country, both KBS and SBS speak up the government and ruling party, supporting the KGCP, stressing frame activity of "Aspiration". This it concludes that both KBS and SBS are short of the social responsibilities as a social media mediator for the social disputes between the government and the NGO groups, including opposition parties.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.93-133
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• 2019

Throughout history, there are three clues of dualistic structures for the development of Hong Kong's nativism. First, inward attribution and outward lookingare two paths to the formation of Hong Kong's nativism. In the dualistic framework of "self-others", nativism is formed. The formation path of "outward looking"can be seen everywhere in the construction history of Hong Kong's nativism. It is under the reflection of "two mirrors" with Britain and Chinese mainland that Hong Kong people acquire the concept of "Hong Kong's nativism". Second, there are two aspects of Hong Kong's nativism: economic and cultural aspect and political aspect. With the gradual development of Hong Kong's history, these two aspects come into being and are closely bound up, thus constituting Hong Kong's nativism today. The third clue is the most critical one. The subjectivity of colonization and decolonization are two different forms of Hong Kong people's subjectivity. These three clues run through the whole process of the construction of Hong Kong nativism, and are carried out in three stages of development: "Origin (1960s-1970s): Preliminary Construction of Hong Kong's Nativism", "Development of Hong Kong's Nativism (1980s-1997): Awakening of Political Aspect" and "Formation and Alienation of Hong Kong's Nativism (1997-present): Deformed "decolonization". Along the evolution of Hong Kong's nativism, with the disintegration of colonialism, Hong Kong people have gradually transited from the subjectivity of colonization to the subjectivity of decolonization, but the process of "decolonization" has not been completed up to now.When nativism loses its native complex from the perspective of "inherent in China", and further develops into the "separatism" of anti-constitutional system and anti-national continuity and unity, it will challenge the stability of the relationship between the central government and the Special Administrative Region under the "one country, two systems". At the same time, it will have a greater impact on the political structure and the rule of law system of Hong Kong, and trigger a series of public law problems that need to be solved urgently. In this regard, on the one hand, we should re-clarify the relationship between the central government and the region under the "one country, two systems" in light of the new situation of democratic political development in Hong Kong, and improve Hong Kong's governance mechanism on the basis of the constitution and the basic law; on the other hand, we should actively learn from the German defensive democracy system to systematically interpret, integrate and apply Hong Kong's existing legal resources so as to effectively curb the development of local separatist forces.

• Strategy21
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• s.30
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• pp.236-262
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• 2012

Morgenthau claims that in international relations, there are the economic, political, and military powers that enable a nation to achieve its political and diplomatic goals. This paper explores the possibility of resolving international conflicts with naval power. First, the theoretical and historical perspective, naval power was used as a final resort to force a nation's political or diplomatic objective on an enemy nation when negotiations failed, and this was done through the physical and psychological destruction of the enemy by naval power. But as the use of military power has decreased because of the invention of the nuclear weapon, the existence of a large and capable navy deterrent has become one of the most useful military options among a nation's diplomatic measures. In other words, he focused on the political usefulness of naval power as a deterrent and coercive diplomatic tool for persuading other nations to acquiesce, rather than using naval power and actual military action as a final resort. The reason for this is that compared to army and air force, navy's flexibility, continuity, and the ability to deter are greater. The navy provides excellent accessibility through its wide mobility on the sea, and it has been shown through research that the navy possesses a political usefulness that facilitates the solution of conflicts through presence, naval intervention, and naval blockade. On the other hand, among the factors that could improve the influence of the navy are alliance relations, a reliable and powerful navy, carrots and sticks that it would have to deal with in the case of successful or unsuccessful negotiations, and support from international opinion. On this paper I introduce E.N.Luttwak's naval suasion theory. By the his theory, there are two mode of naval suasion. One is latent naval suasion the other is active suasion. Latent suasion there are deterrent mode and supportive mode. Active naval suasion there are coercive mode and supportive mode. Coercive mode has positive and negative. The limitations of naval suasion have been identified as follows. First, because the objective of the use of naval power is persuading enemy nations, the results are unpredictable. Second, the leaders of all countries possess limited understanding on the complexities of naval power and therefore lack understanding of the usefulness of naval power when choosing options. Third, in case of failure through naval suasion, prestige and reputation of a nation can be damaged. Finally, the following are additional possible research topic. First, a research on the decision making process of choosing naval power as a measure to resolve conflicts is needed. Lastly, research on the size of the navy and types of ships required for efficient naval suasion is needed. Today's world requires cooperative security regime so that middle class navy also requires political use of naval power in solving international conflicts. Therefore, additional research on this topic is needed.

• THE INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE & LAW REVIEW
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• v.36
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• pp.195-262
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• 2007

This paper attempts to assess the Basel Committee's bank supervisory standards and capital adequacy rules, and thereby rethink whether global convergence in banking regulation is desirable. To that end, it seeks to address the impetus for the creation of the Basel Committee, and explore driving forces behind the internationalization of bank regulatory and supervisory standards. Following the historical and theoretical analysis of the internationalization of bank regulatory standards, the movement toward global standards in banking is reviewed. More importantly, this paper seeks to explore the origins of the Basel Accord on bank capital adequacy. To do so, it largely relies on current theories on the process of negotiating the capital adequacy standards in the areas of political science and international political economy. At this point, this study takes a position as a break against the force of international market failure logic that has enjoyed an exceptionally positive reception among economists, political scientists, and legal experts. Nonetheless, it does not intend to freeze the international coordination and cooperation of banking regulation. Given the understanding of the politics behind the creation of the Basel Accord, this paper evaluates the Basel Accord of 1988 and the new capital adequacy framework(Basel II), and then moves beyond the assessment of the capital adequacy standards In doing so, this study draws lessons from Basel in search of a just world order in the global finance.

• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.14 no.10
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• pp.39-45
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• 2016

Purpose - This paper explores a new possibility of care ethics for social service. As the needs for care have been growing rapidly in various social fields, 'care' became an important concept in envisioning a welfare state. However, due to the lack of proper ethics and political stance applied to the newly arisen needs and challenges, there exist lots of confusions and difficulties. Research design, data, and methodology - Introducing the feminist ethics of care, this paper examines the relationship of care and justice in social service. As a main research perspective, this study has focused on Kittay's public ethics of care and Tronto's political ethics of care. Results - Drawing on the main research perspective, this study discusses on the necessity of a political conceptualization for an integrative care ethics. In the process, The specialty and professionality of care work as a relational labor was reconsidered. Kittay's care ethics provides a persuasive justification for social support for care workers as well as care receivers, and Tronto's ethics shows us the role of care politics for democratic citizenship. Conclusions - Tronto's ethics of care with Kittay's gives us valuable insights to envision a new public ethics for social service that takes into account both care and justice properly.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.267-289
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• 2010

Nationalism endorses a collective movement to establish an authentic position in the international cultural and political arena. Arguably the dialectic of nationalism and geopolitics bears a reassuring similarity to the philosophical lineage going back, at least, to Hegelian dialectic of universality and particularity. This dialectic platform has been concerned with sustaining, among other things, the dynamics between the universal and the particular. In practical terms, nationalism prompts increased sensitivity to socio-political pressures coming from abroad to cancel the national particularity into geopolitical, so-called universal, anonymity. Drawing suggestively from psychoanalysis, Lacanian ethics in particular, this discussion articulates the ethics of nationalism. Recounting Kantian self-determination as a reference point for responsible morality, Lacan suggests the problematics of desire as an alternative index for ethics. As individual desire flows from the unfathomable abyss of misrecognition, Lacanian ethics dissuade individuals to unlearn the fantasy that their own real desire, a residue produced by the Symbolic process, can be satisfied with that very socio-cultural Symbolic. Subjecting nationalism to Lacanian implications, Zizek illuminates nationalism as a small screening object which obscures as much as displays the circuits to the individual desire. Psychoanalytic ethics addresses that the ethical base should be found upon the particular, individual, real desire. As far as the nationalist cause also puts emphasis upon particularity rather than universality, nationalism is logically positioned to exert reflective efforts on empowering its constitutive individuals. Lacanian ethics persuades us to challenge the universal claim and to work through to regenerate nationalism in presenting its final contribution towards individual particularities.

• Advanced Industrial SCIence
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.1-7
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• 2024

This paper deals with the topic of quantification of soft power through emotional analysis. Sentiment analysis refers to the process of detecting and analyzing emotions or emotions in various data such as text, voice, and images. Therefore, in this paper, we explored the methodology and significance of how soft power can be quantified through emotional analysis. Soft power refers to the ability of a country or organization to influence the behavior of another country or organization in a desired direction. It is built by soft factors such as culture, values, and political system rather than military or economic means. Additionally, sentiment analysis is being used as a useful tool to measure and understand these soft areas.

• Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.1-22
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• 2020

The legislative cosponsorship network shows the legislative process of the National Assembly through the relationship between the members of the National Assembly formed by cosponsorship. This study focused on the library bill proposed during the 19th National Assembly term, and conducted the cosponsorship network analysis, the centrality analysis of actors of the National Assembly, and a subgroup analysis of keyword-centric networks. As the result of the study, the library bill's cosponsorship network was segmented according to political parties, and lawmakers who played an intermediary role in close proximity to other political party members had an important influence on the network. When restructured into a keyword-oriented network, the network structure segmented into political parties improved as members of different parties shared the same keywords and formed subgroups. Based on the results, it was suggested that a strategy for spreading and sharing policy issues based on core keywords rather than library legislation, centered on lawmakers who play a mediating role between parties, is needed to activate library legislation.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.601-623
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• 2014

This paper is to analyze critically policy and discourse of creative economy and creative city. Applying the concept of 'policy transfer' or 'policy mobility', It points out that it may be inevitable for a certain policy or discourse developed in Western society to change its contents and characteristics in its international diffusing process. And then, this paper describes political contexts and process in which the policy and discourse of creative city of a former mayor of Seoul, Oh, Se-Hoon, during the late part of the 2000s, and those of creative economy of the current president, Park, Geun-Hye, have been suggested and pursued, arguing that those policies and discourses, having been distorted and lack of concrete contents, have functioned as a key ruling tool or political rhetoric. In particular, this paper concludes that the policy and discourse of creative economy of the current government would have little positive effect due to excluding intentionally policy of economic democracy and ignoring unintentionally policy of creative city, which seem to have an inherent relationship with that of creative economy.