• 한국시스템다이내믹스연구
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• 제12권3호
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• pp.47-66
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• 2011

South Korea has achieved remarkable social and economic development together with the process of democratization over the past 20 years. In the democratic process in South Korea, ordinary people have actively participated in conventional political activities such as elections. But recently, one of the salient phenomena is that the public have been showing political apathy associated with a light poll. Especially, the most serious concern in the political environment of South Korea is that young voters (e.g., 20-30s) have serious political apathy leading to low voter turnout. Regarding this concern, many political scientists argued that this political phenomenon is not only the case in South Korea, insisting that many consolidated democratic countries such as European countries and the US have the same problems. However, South Korea has contained different factors (e.g., historical, culture, social, and political differences) leading to political apathy and light poll. Unfortunately, no one has clearly explain the phenomenon. In fact, in order for scholars to understand and explain these concerns, they should carefully look at the phenomenon with diverse perspectives and approaches. The main purpose of this paper is to explain why the digital generation has political apathy and are reluctant to participate in political activities such as voting. Using causal loop analysis which is based on systematic thinking, we not only analyzed the pattern of the digital generation' political participation with regard to diverse perspectives, but also attempted to draw new political implications from the analysis. Based on our analysis, we tried to suggest some implications for political stability and development in South Korea in the future.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제45권
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• pp.187-219
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• 2009

미디어를 통해 정책의제 설정과 정책홍보가 늘어나면서, 정치인과 정당은 미디어의 표현기법과 뉴스 생산조건에 맞춰 나가야 하는 압박을 받고 있다. 미디어의 생산조건에 맞추는 정치로 정치인들은 정책 설명을 통해 국민을 이해시키려 하기보다는 미디어를 통해 자신의 이미지를 알리기 위한 연출기법을 배우는 데 더 의존하게 된다. 정치인들의 연출기법 차용은 효과적인 정책홍보라는 원칙에 위반되지는 않지만, 정치가 미디어의 생산조건에 맞춰나가면서 점점 더 정책의제 설명보다는 이미지 연출에 의존하는 현상이 두드러지고 있다. 폴리테인먼트를 통한 정치연출은 유권자들에게 정치인 개인에 대한 평가는 물론, 정당의 정책수행 능력평가와 대의 민주주의의 정당성 확보에 이르기까지 광범위하게 영향을 미치고 있다. 또한 미디어 생산시간에 맞춘 폴리테인먼트의 강화는 숙의 민주주의의 합리적인 발전을 어렵게 만들며, 연출을 통한 가상정치의 확산이라는 불합리한 현상까지 발생시키고 있다. 이 연구에서는 미디어 생산시간이 정치과정에 미치는 영향을 알아보기 위해 지금까지 두 차례에 걸쳐 실시된 독일총선에서의 TV토론을 사례로 분석했다. 그 결과 미디어의 연출적 요소가 미디어를 통한 정치적 토론은 물론, 정치 커뮤니케이션 전 과정에 걸쳐 영향력을 행사하고 있음을 알 수 있었다.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제2권4호
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• pp.228-247
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• 2015

Politics is defined as who gets what, when, and how. Communication is defined as the process, outcomes and effects of message transmission through a medium. Thus political communication in Asia, the most dynamic and uncertain region of the world, has been very dense, requiring rigorous scientific analysis and culturally sensitive reflection. Mass media brought about a revolution in political communication in the last century. In the 21st century, complex monitory devices from the state and international organizations and from the society and transnational groups have transformed the features of political communication. It has triggered another revolution in political communication. Illustrations are given focusing on Asia. A theoretical reflection from the angle of political science is attempted focusing on political communication medium and its effects. I compare no medium (face-to-face communication), mass media, and social media in relation to their effects.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제44권2호
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• pp.295-309
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• 2020

In 2019, Japan announced trade regulations against Korean products; consequently, the sales of Japanese products in Korea dropped due to a Korean consumers' boycott. This study measured the Korean consumers' political consumption behavior toward Japanese fashion products. Unstructured text data from online media sources and consumer posted sources such as blog and SNS were collected. Text mining techniques and semantic network analysis were used to process unstructured data. This study used text mining techniques and semantic network analysis to process data. The results identified boycotting Japanese fashion products and buycotting alternative products and Korean brands due to consumers' political consumption. Two brand cases were investigated in detail. Online text data before and after the political action were compared and significant changes in consumption as well as emotional expressions were identified. Product related industry sectors were identified in terms of the political consumption of fashion: liquor, automobile and tourism industry sectors were closely linked to the fashion sector in terms of boycotting. More "boycott" and "buycott" fashion brands (reflected in consumer attitudes and feelings) were detected in consumer driven texts than in media driven sources.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제33권2호
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• pp.145-175
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• 2011

본 논문은 경제적 불평등이 정치적 의사결정과정을 통하여 환경정책과 재분배 정책에 어떻게 영향을 미치는지를 분석하고 있다. 정치과정을 배제한 경제적 균형에서는 환경정책(배출세)의 도입이 미도입시와 비교하여 경제성장률의 상승을 가져올 수 있지만 그 효과에 불확실성이 존재함을 보이고 있다. 이와 달리 정치경제적 균형에서는 경제적 불평등도의 변화에 따라 환경정책과 재분배정책의 선택이 달라지는 것을 보이고, 그러한 정책 선택이 경제성장에 미치는 영향을 분석하고 있다. 보다 구체적으로 경제적 불평등도가 일정 수준으로 개선되어야 환경정책이 도입되고, 환경정책의 도입은 보다 강화된 재분배정책의 요구로 이어져 단기적으로 경제성장에 부정적인 영향을 줄 수 있음을 보이고 있다. 본 논문에서는 이러한 정치경제적 분석을 기초로 정책적 함의를 논의하고 있다.

• 기술혁신연구
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.131-148
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• 2002

This paper explores how international political factors influence the role of conventional external factors in the course of technological learning. The research goes on to investigate whether the role of the techno-economic factors has changed due to the involvement of international political factors in the technological learning mechanism. To this end, this paper examines how US political intervention affected Korean technological learning in the back-end of the nuclear fuel cycle. The export policy, prior consent policy and international political influence of the US are employed as international political factors. The empirical findings show that international political factors are very likely to restrain the impact of the techno-economic factors on technological learning process. Accordingly, this paper hypothesizes that the role of techno-economic factors in the technological learning mechanism is weaker when international political intervention is involved.

• 의정연구
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.65-92
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• 2009

정치적 신뢰란 정부가 자신이 기대한 바대로 결과물을 산출하고 있는지에 대한 국민들의 주관적 인식의 결정체라 할 수 있다. 이 연구는 이러한 정치적 신뢰의 내생적(endogenous) 측면과 외생적(exogenous) 측면에 초점을 맞추어 정치적 신뢰가 어떤 요인들에 의해 영향을 받으며 또 어떤 정치적 결과를 만들어 내고 있는지에 대한 이론적 논의를 정리하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 정치적 신뢰의 변화에 영향을 미치는 요인으로 정부정책, 정치인의 비윤리적 행태, 국민들의 참여민주주의적 성향, 정부에 대한 국민들의 왜곡된 이해, 정치문화에 초점을 맞추어 각각의 요인들이 어떻게 정치적 신뢰를 변하게 만드는지 살펴본다. 또한 정부의 통치능력, 선거결과, 정치충원, 정부정책의 방향성의 측면에서 정치적 신뢰가 정치과정에 어떠한 결과를 만들어내는지를 알아본다.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제22권
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• pp.211-247
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• 2003

본 연구는 재미 한인 이민자들의 교육수준, 체류기간, 영어실력 변인들이 전통 뉴스매체(텔레비전, 신문, 라디오, 시사잡지)와 뉴스 웹 이용에 어떻게 영향을 주고, 전통뉴스매체와 웹 이용은 그들의 정치지식, 정치관심, 정치활동 참여 증진에 유의미한 영향을 미치는 지를 고찰했다. 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 교육, 체류기간, 영어실력 변인들은 주류사회의 전통 뉴스매체의 매개적 역할을 거쳐 한인 이민자들의 정치지식, 정치관심, 정치활동참여를 증진시키는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 한인 이민자들에 의한 미국 뉴스 웹 이용은 주류정치에 대한 관심을 증진시키는 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 한국어 전통 뉴스매체 이용 역시 주류정치에 대한 관심을 증진시키는 것으로 나타났다. 넷째, 한국어 뉴스 웹사이트 이용은 정치사회화에 유의미한 역할을 하지 못하는 것으로 나타났다. 결론적으로 이민자들의 주류 정치사회화 과정에서는 인터넷 웹사이트가 제공하는 뉴스보다는 전통매체 특히, 주류사회의 전통뉴스매체의 역할이 매우 중요한 것으로 밝혀졌다.

• 기술혁신학회지
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.1-15
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• 1999

This study aims at integrating the sociological study of technology and the economic study of technological learning. It is argued that the sociological approaches of innovation have some strong points in criticizing technological determinism, but have some weak points in explaining how the knowledge base for innovation is accumulated. On the contrary, the economic approaches of innovation have strong points in explaining technology accumulation, but ignore socio-political process of innovation. This study suggests the model which integrates the socio-political process and technological loaming process.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.2-12
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• 2017

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.