• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제62권
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• pp.159-178
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• 2013

본 연구에서는 텔레비전 선거 여론조사 보도가 미치는 영향에 대한 수용자들의 인식이 이들의 정치적 행동의향에 영향을 미치는 메커니즘을 선거 여론조사 보도에 대한 제삼자 인식에 따르는 정서적, 행태적 반응의 측면에서 살펴보고자 했다. 이를 위해 제18대 대통령 선거를 앞두고 전국 유권자 700명을 대상으로 전화면접조사를 실시하여, 개인의 정치적 관점에 의해 영향을 받는 텔레비전 선거 여론조사 보도에 대한 평가가 제삼자 인식과 정서적 반응을 거쳐 정치적 행동의향에 영향을 미치는 과정을 구조방정식 모형 분석을 통해 검증했다. 그 결과, 유권자들은 자신이 지지하는 후보가 텔레비전 선거 여론조사 보도에서 열세로 나타나는 경우에 우세로 나타나는 경우 대비 보도의 신뢰도와 공정성에 대해 더 낮게 평가하고, 보도에 대한 평가가 낮을수록 이 보도가 자신보다는 다른 유권자들에게 더 큰 영향을 미칠 것으로 인식하는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 이러한 제삼자 인식이 클수록 부정적 정서가 강하게 나타났으며, 부정적 정서가 강할수록 정치적 행동의향이 강하게 나타났다.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제19권5호
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• pp.658-668
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• 2019

종합편성채널은 수년간 시사 대담 프로그램을 통해 정치적 영향력을 키워 갔지만 정치적으로 편향된 미디어라는 비판을 받고 있다. 본 연구에서는 2017년 7월부터 12월까지 6개월 동안 시사 대담 프로그램에 출연한 패널들의 특성과 함께 패널 발언과 정당 입장간의 상관관계를 분석하였다. 연구결과, 방송 프로그램에서 출연패널의 직군은 정치와 관련이 없는 중립적 직군으로 소개되었으나 이들의 정파성을 고려하여 재분류하면 정당인의 비중이 높아졌다. 또한 패널 발언의 정파성을 살펴본 결과, 대부분의 패널은 여당 혹은 야당의 입장을 견지하고 있었으며, 정당과 연관성이 많을수록 패널의 정파적 발언이 강해지는 것으로 나타났다. 향후 출연패널의 정파성이 명확하게 소개되어야 하며, 일관된 기준으로 장르를 구분하여 심의의 일관성을 확보할 필요가 있다. 또한 프로그램 제작진의 자율규제가 더욱 적극적으로 이루어져야 할 것이다.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제13권10호
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• pp.278-289
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• 2013

민주국가에서 정당이 선거 후보자를 내는 것은 매우 당연한 원칙이다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 기초지방선거에서 정당공천 폐지 문제는 쉽게 해결될 수 있는 문제가 아니다. 그래서 기초지방선거의 정당공천에 관한 최근의 논쟁과 해외사례를 정리하고 합리적인 대안을 모색해보았다. 정당공천과 관련된 논쟁은 기존 정치권은 반대의 입장에도 불구하고 정당공천 폐해를 극복하기 위하여 폐지 또는 새로운 대안의 모색이 필요하다는 논의가 많다. 실증적 조사에서도 정당공천제의 폐지에 많은 집단들이 동의하고 있다. 그렇지만 정당 공천의 폐지에 따라 나타날 수 있는 부정적 파급효과가 여성할당문제이다. 그래서 정당공천의 폐지에 따라 나타날 수 있는 부정적 파급효과를 고려하면서 몇 가지 대안을 제시하였다. 그 대안은 참여주체 확대, 정당표방제 도입, 지방정당제 도입, 상향적 공천절차 활용 등이다. 이러한 방안 중 참여주체 확대방안이 논리적으로 최적대안으로 제시하였으나 대안의 확정은 사회적 합의절차를 거쳐서 확정되어야 할 것이다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권41호
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• pp.174-207
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• 2017

Human history shows diverse strategies for survival and prosperity. This study introduces the concept of the expansion of wealth as a key to explain choice and behavior of political entities. American scholar, -Bruce Bueno de Mesquita-, offers theoretical grounds for this concept in that the cores of selectorate theory is settled. The political entity consists of two groups, -the winning coalition that has power to replace leader and non-winning coalition that has not. Leaders implement policies serving for the welfare of winning coalition in return for their loyalty. Both internal problems caused by demographic changes and external ones of climate changes, epidemic disease, or invasion compel leader and winning coalition to adopt policies of expansion that they believe may lead to the acquisition of wealth needed to counter those problems. The process starts by occupying one spot where other entities reside and then connecting it to its own. The line between spots functions as a foothold to form a new line to other spots. By repeating this process, a space is created in which new laws and orders are instated. In the early stage of expansion, war is hardly avoidable. Once finished successfully, the political circumstance tilts to encourage economic activities in order to generate national revenues to strengthen political power of winning coalition. However, as scale of economic activities grows, so does political power of civic classes in production and trade. To gain financial support required to run the political entity, delegation of power or bestowing autonomy to non-winning coalition is inevitable. Thus, expansion is not the ultimate solution, only to prolong the political survival if succeed. Maritime power came to attractive option when overland expansion had become obstructed. It offered much greater advantages in terms of political risks and financial burdens in exploring new regions of precious commodities than overland expansion. Each political entity around world have been, for the first time in human history, connected by maritime means since 15th century. It is worthy of noting that land conditions propelled people out to sea. Political and economic situations created opportunities to exploit geographical position in pursuit of wealth. In the 21st century, we witness the operation of international winning coalition that presides over the rules of expansion. Competing for market is synonymous to the expansion in this era, the cause and aim of it has not been changed though. Energy and dollars are key factors of expansion since the end of the 2nd world war. No matter what the forms and conditions change, naval power is still the most relevant means for expansion as it retains unique characters of maneuver, flexibility, continuity, display and projection of power. The strategy for using naval power should be in line with two different approaches for expansion: Approaches to the international winning coalition by making contribution to world order, and approaches to the non-international winning coalition by enhancing military diplomatic activities. The former will serve our share of winning coalition while the latter will open chances to acquire further prosperity.

• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.65-85
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• 2020

Examining how the CCP operated social services in Shanghai neighborhood[linong] in early 1950s, this article reveals the hidden relation between social service and rectification of neighborhood organizations in 1954. One of the main purpose of 1954 rectification was to guarantee provision of grassroots level of the city by recruiting local cadres, the implementers of social services. Though series of social service, such as night patrol, cleaning and public charity were indispensable for residents' life and welfare(fuli)[福利] of neighborhood, the social services was the something most of the Shanghai residents were reluctant to do. The result was the shortage of human resource for social service, triggering the "nominal position(gua ming)[掛名] " phenomenon. During political rectification of neighborhood organizations in 1954 Shanghai Municipal government tried to solve this 'decline of human resource in social services' problem by attracting the unemployed to the position of basic level cadre. To be specific, it demanded jobless person in neighborhood to be registered in time if they want a job placement. And it used that registration as the nominee of cadre in re-election process of the rectification campaign. The government measures were closely related to Shanghai people's inclination to rely on party-state when they try to get a job. Hence political rectification in neighborhood organizations become the strategic tool of city governance to mobilize residents in operating social services. So this article suggests that the CCP's urban governance was a complex and nuanced process to induce urban residents' interest and voluntarism beyond the suppression-oriented totalitarian perspective.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.181-202
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• 1998

When the study the costumes of Silla Dynasty, the only well-founded data is shown in the prohibition that is promulgated in the period of King Hungduk. In the prohibition, the social limitation according to the Silla Golpum system is closely described, now it is interesting researchers very much. Any times the promulgation of a ordinance has a proper reason. The ordinance of the period of King Hungduk also has no exceptions. It made a reason clear in the introduction - inaccordance with the social position, the list of articles is used with different, in spite of the strict regulation, the distinction of costumes was in disorder because of the trend of luxury and os we have to make right according to law. Some historian think that the prohibition assumes the character of an political innovation. The prohibition contains an social signification, the items of prohibition did not enumerate simply prohibiton items. Through away of research to analyze the hidden meaning contained in the prohibition, we can see the social phenomenon of Silla Dynasty. And compared with the type of clothing, the kinds of clothing mentioned in prohibiton have changed very much. I believe that we can find out political and social change in prohibition.

• 무역상무연구
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• 제36권
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• pp.195-262
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• 2007

This paper attempts to assess the Basel Committee's bank supervisory standards and capital adequacy rules, and thereby rethink whether global convergence in banking regulation is desirable. To that end, it seeks to address the impetus for the creation of the Basel Committee, and explore driving forces behind the internationalization of bank regulatory and supervisory standards. Following the historical and theoretical analysis of the internationalization of bank regulatory standards, the movement toward global standards in banking is reviewed. More importantly, this paper seeks to explore the origins of the Basel Accord on bank capital adequacy. To do so, it largely relies on current theories on the process of negotiating the capital adequacy standards in the areas of political science and international political economy. At this point, this study takes a position as a break against the force of international market failure logic that has enjoyed an exceptionally positive reception among economists, political scientists, and legal experts. Nonetheless, it does not intend to freeze the international coordination and cooperation of banking regulation. Given the understanding of the politics behind the creation of the Basel Accord, this paper evaluates the Basel Accord of 1988 and the new capital adequacy framework(Basel II), and then moves beyond the assessment of the capital adequacy standards In doing so, this study draws lessons from Basel in search of a just world order in the global finance.

• 영미문화
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.267-289
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• 2010

Nationalism endorses a collective movement to establish an authentic position in the international cultural and political arena. Arguably the dialectic of nationalism and geopolitics bears a reassuring similarity to the philosophical lineage going back, at least, to Hegelian dialectic of universality and particularity. This dialectic platform has been concerned with sustaining, among other things, the dynamics between the universal and the particular. In practical terms, nationalism prompts increased sensitivity to socio-political pressures coming from abroad to cancel the national particularity into geopolitical, so-called universal, anonymity. Drawing suggestively from psychoanalysis, Lacanian ethics in particular, this discussion articulates the ethics of nationalism. Recounting Kantian self-determination as a reference point for responsible morality, Lacan suggests the problematics of desire as an alternative index for ethics. As individual desire flows from the unfathomable abyss of misrecognition, Lacanian ethics dissuade individuals to unlearn the fantasy that their own real desire, a residue produced by the Symbolic process, can be satisfied with that very socio-cultural Symbolic. Subjecting nationalism to Lacanian implications, Zizek illuminates nationalism as a small screening object which obscures as much as displays the circuits to the individual desire. Psychoanalytic ethics addresses that the ethical base should be found upon the particular, individual, real desire. As far as the nationalist cause also puts emphasis upon particularity rather than universality, nationalism is logically positioned to exert reflective efforts on empowering its constitutive individuals. Lacanian ethics persuades us to challenge the universal claim and to work through to regenerate nationalism in presenting its final contribution towards individual particularities.

• 한국아프리카학회지
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• 제43권
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• pp.3-48
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• 2014

ABAKO(Alliance des Bakongo) of Democratic Republic of Congo is an organization founded by an ethnic group who sought to preserve its language, culture and tradition. It later developed into a political organization and led an independence movement from Belgium. In 1950, Edmond Nzeza-Nlandu founded the ABAKO in Leopoldville (currently known as Kinshasa), the capital of Belgian Congo. ABAKO changed into a political organization, however, when Nzeza-Nlandu stepped down from his position and Joseph Kasa-Vubu was elected instead as the chief of ABAKO in March 21, 1954. The Bakongo nationalism, as a link between the Kongo Kingdom of the past and the Bakongo people of the present, had influence on their cultural identity, attitude towards authority, political orientation, a common ground for geographical boundaries, and provided foundation for group mobilization. Moreover, the Kimbangu Church, founded by Simon Kimbangu had close ties with ABAKO. They struggled to obtain independece from the Belgian colonial rule. In conclusion, the leaders and members of ABAKO regarded the 'ethnic, linguistic and historical' affinities as the identity of their Bakongo nationalist group.

• 한국IT서비스학회지
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• 제6권3호
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• pp.225-239
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• 2007

Mobile service is highly becoming in the limelight on information society by offering infringement problem about individual privacy or information by political and scientific interest This study is focusing on primary LBS application Mobile service that emphasize position confirmation, especially, looking for friends. The aim at this study grasps user productivity factor of LBS application Mobile service, and analyses whether some have relations with value and action determination of LBS application Mobile service. According to result, Mobile service applying position service is supported with usefulness and system quality, adaptedness. On the other hand, Usability and social effect, privacy weren't embossed by leading person. Mobile service applying position service is changed with a person who have experience looking for friend. This study has systematically analysed about LBS application service by leading person