• 제목/요약/키워드: political position

검색결과 205건 처리시간 0.024초

셸리와 담론정치 -『개혁에 대한 철학적 고찰』을 중심으로 (Shelley's Politics of Discourse)

  • 유선무
    • 영어영문학
    • /
    • 제56권2호
    • /
    • pp.255-276
    • /
    • 2010
  • Despite some critics' efforts to highlight Shelley's political fruitfulness, they tend to disregard meaningful differences that Shelley has from other Jacobin radicals of his times. Accordingly, the critics tackle his apparent incoherence revealed in A Philosophical View of Reform; the first two sections contain a keen insight into the socio-political injustice prevalent in Britain and the reasons behind it, while the third section withdraws from the previous radical position and settles with a moderate electorate reform. This paper argues that recent developments in post-structuralist and post-Marxist theory help to clearly assess Shelley's political position. Emphasizing that the Jacobin concept of revolution is incompatible with the plurality and opening which a radical democracy requires, post-marxists such as Ernest Laclau and Chantal Mouffee claim that a more viable form of political resistance is to expose repression and force involved in hegemonic articulations. For them, dislocation, a distabilization of a discourse that results from the emergence of events which cannot be domesticated, symbolized, or integrated within the discourse, opens up the possibility of freedom for agents. A Philosophical View of Reform is an attempt to dislocate the discourses of monarchy and paper money by exposing their social and historical constructiveness and their repressive exclusion of alternative discourses. The political goal of this essay is to awaken subjects within a hegemonic structure by decentering the structure and to make them act by stimulating new discoursive constructions.

W. H. 오든의 시학과 정치성 (W. H. Auden's Poetics and the Political)

  • 황준호
    • 영어영문학
    • /
    • 제55권2호
    • /
    • pp.315-335
    • /
    • 2009
  • Controversies over W. H. Auden's "political" poetry remind us of an old but perhaps never easily resolved problem about the relationship between poetry (literature) and politics. Auden has arguably been referred to as a "leftist" or "Marxist" because of his political viewpoint registered in "Spain" or "September 1, 1939," which embodies his contemporaries' loss and fear, brought by the socio-political turmoil, economic depression, and moral conflicts of the 1930s. Interestingly, however, Auden is known to have an ambivalent position toward the political reality. He once disavowed the above "political" poems as "dishonest" in the preface of the 1966 edition of Collected Poems and declared, "poetry makes nothing happen" in "In Memory of W. B. Yeats," which seemingly acknowledges the political incapacity of poetry. Auden's position and poetry should be understood as the result of complicated interactions between his perspectives on society, human beings, and poetics. Auden definitely believed in the role of poetry in such a politically demanding time, yet was not concerned with the anticipation of certain immediate changes effected by poetry in real situations. Instead, he sought the intellectual and moral effects that poetry could give his readers to help them survive the dismal circumstances of the 1930s. This is what distinguished Auden's poetry from political propaganda. In doing so, Auden's poetry captures the zeitgeist of his generation and has privileged him as the leading voice of his time, but it has also encouraged the following generations to confront different socio-political difficulties. This is something poetry can make happen politically, and the survival of Auden's "memorable speech" proves the legitimacy of his frequently misunderstood poetics.

병원간호사의 정치관심도, 정치 효능감 및 매체 이용이 정치참여에 미치는 영향 (Political Interest, Political Efficacy, and Media Usage as Factors Influencing Political Participation in Hospital Nurses)

  • 전소연;고일선;배가령
    • 간호행정학회지
    • /
    • 제20권3호
    • /
    • pp.342-352
    • /
    • 2014
  • Purpose: The purpose of this study was to identify how political interest, efficacy and media usage influence political participation in hospital nurses. Methods: Participants were 286 nurses, who were informed of the study purpose and agreed to participate. Data were collected during November and December, 2012 using a questionnaire on political interest, political efficacy, media usage and political participation. Data were analyzed using t-test, ANOVA, Scheff$\acute{e}$'s test, Pearson Correlation Coefficients, and Multiple Stepwise Regression. Results: Scores for political participation and political interest was average. The score for political efficacy was higher than average. Political participation was significantly different by education level, job career, position, and intention to vote in the election for the 18th President. Political participation had a moderate positive correlation with political interest (r=.50, p<.001), political efficacy (r=.32, p<.001) and media usage (r=.14, p=.022). Political interest (${\beta}$=.43) was the factor most influential on political participation, explaining 25% of the variance. A total of 32% of political participation was explained by political interest, political efficacy, and TV news or SNS for media use. Conclusion: The results suggest that it is necessary to develop strategies to promote political interest and political efficacy for hospital nurses to improve political participation.

조소앙(趙素?) 삼균주의(三均主義)의 사상적 토대와 이념적 성격 (The theoretical foundation and ideological character of Cho Soang's threefold equalitarianism)

  • 이상익
    • 한국철학논집
    • /
    • 제30호
    • /
    • pp.87-121
    • /
    • 2010
  • 소앙은 우리 민족의 고유사상에서 삼균주의의 핵심개념인 '균등(均等)'을 발굴하고, 전통 유학에서 삼균주의의 이론적 구조를 도출했으며, 당시 서구의 여러 사상을 수용하여 삼균주의의 살을 붙였다. 삼균주의는 대부분 서구 사상들을 수용한 결과로 볼 수도 있다. 그런데 소앙은 한결같이 전통에 입각하여 자신의 이념을 정당화하였다. 이를 위해 소앙은 우리 민족의 전통사상 가운데 자신의 신념과 부합되는 내용들을 적극적으로 발굴하여 부각시켰을 뿐만 아니라, 전통을 원형과 달리 창조적으로 재해석하기도 했으며, 때로는 없는 내용을 전통에 가탁하여 창작하기도 하였다. 소앙의 삼균주의와 중도노선은 당시로서는 비록 실패한 것이었지만, 오늘날 우리에게 여전히 중요한 가르침이 될 수 있다. 첫째, '해방공간'에서 중도노선의 실패가 민족의 분단을 뜻하는 것이었다면, 오늘날 우리는 거꾸로 중도노선에서 통일의 기반을 모색해야 한다는 점이다. 둘째, 오늘날 우리 사회에서는 이른바 '양극화(兩極化)'로 인한 갈등이 더욱 심화되고 있거니와, 균등은 갈등을 해소하는 지름길이라는 점이다. 셋째, 유럽연합(EU)의 출범이 입증해주듯이, 왕도적(王道的) 세계일가(世界一家)는 세계평화의 지름길로서 충분히 실현가능성이 있다는 점이다.

비비안 웨스트우드의 패션디자인과 정치 성향의 관계 (The Relation Between Fashion Design of Vivienne Westwood and Her Political Attitude)

  • 이승옥
    • 한국의상디자인학회지
    • /
    • 제7권2호
    • /
    • pp.101-110
    • /
    • 2005
  • Vivienne Westwood could be placed in a unique position in the contemporary fashion design. She has never belonged in a core group of mainstream fashion designer but not been always in an outsider position. She got from mainstream fashion designer circles enormous appreciation, even established fashion industry was influenced by her fashion design. She began her fashion design with rebellious T-shirts like 'destroy' T-shirt, chicken-bone T-shirt, and nipple-zipper T-shirt, all of which revealed her disgust against establishment. All these T-shirts testify her total negation tendency in her youth. However, she did not continue to keep such a kind of total negation attitude against establishment In 1980s she changed her political attitude towards establishment, and this change also found a reflection in her fashion design. In her pirate-collection the dark image of her fashion in the 1970s changed into a totally different bright image with full of gold colour. Although this collection had radiated brightness, it contained still outsider character from mainstream fashion design. The following fashion design in 1980s and 1990s evolved further on the line of Pirate-collection, but they continued to contain certain outsider characteristics. Vivienne Westwood kept some kind of anti-establishment attitude, and this attitude more or little came to the surface of her design. She was always political and critical to the establishment. In 2005, in her 64, she designed a liberty T-shirt, which showed her political attitude and her engagement in social issues. Also it showed the change from the early total negation to the constructive critical affirmation. In this paper the relation between the fashion design of Vivienne Westwood and her political attitude and the influence of her political attitude to her fashion design is analyzed.

  • PDF

Railway Governance and Power Structure in China

  • Lee, Jinjing
    • International Journal of Railway
    • /
    • 제1권4호
    • /
    • pp.129-133
    • /
    • 2008
  • Over the last $15{\sim}20$years, many countries have adopted policies of railway privatization to keep up with increasing competition from road and air transport. Although each country and case has its own history, market characteristics, political context as well as administrative process, railway privatizations (including railway restructure, concession etc.) in the west usually are accompanied with the establishment of new regulatory regimes. Therefore, railway governance has been innovating towards an interaction of government, regulator, industry bodies, user groups, trade unions and other interested groups within the regulatory framework. However, it is not the case in China. Although China had seen a partial privatization in some branch lines and is experiencing a much larger-scale privatization by establishing joint-ventures to build and operate high-speed passenger lines and implementing an asset-based securitization program, administrative control still occupies absolutely dominant position in the railway governance in China. Ministry of Railway (MOR) acts as the administrator, operator as well as regulator. There is no national policy that clearly positions railway in the transportation network and clarifies the role of government in railway development. There is also little participation from interested groups in the railway policy making, pricing, service standard or safety matter. Railway in China is solely governed by the mere executive agency. Efficiency-focused economic perspective explanation is far from satisfaction. A wider research perspective from political and social regime is of great potential to better explain and solve the problem. In the west, separation and constrains of power had long been established as a fundamental rule. In addition to internal separation of political power(legislation, execution and jurisdiction), rise of corporation in the 19th century and association revolution in the 20th century greatly fostered the growth of economic and social power. Therefore, political, social and economic organizations cooperate and compete with each other, which leads to a balanced and resonable power structure. While in China, political power, mainly party-controlled administrative power has been keeping a dominated position since the time of plan economy. Although the economic reform promoted the growth of economic power of enterprises, it is still not strong enough to compete with political power. Furthermore, under rigid political control, social organizations usually are affiliated to government, independent social power is still too weak to function. So, duo to the limited and slow reform in political and social regime in China, there is an unbalanced power structure within which political power is dominant, economic power expanding while social power still absent. Totally different power structure in China determines the fundamental institutional environment of her railway privatization and governance. It is expected that the exploration of who act behind railway governance and their acting strength (a power theory) will present us a better picture of railway governance as a relevant transportation mode. The paper first examines the railway governance in China and preliminarily establishes a linkage between railway governance and its fundamental institutional environment, i.e. power structure in a specific country. Secondly, the reason why there is no national policy in China is explored in the view of political power. In China, legislative power is more symbolic while party-controlled administrative power dominates political process and plays a fundamental role in Chinese railway governance. And then, in the part three railway finance reform is analyzed in the view of economic power, esp. the relationship of political power and economic power.

  • PDF

Research on Participation and Position Evaluation of Korean Manufacturing Global Value Chain: Based on the Comparative Analysis with China and the United States

  • Zhang, Fan;Su, Shuai
    • Journal of Korea Trade
    • /
    • 제25권2호
    • /
    • pp.75-94
    • /
    • 2021
  • Purpose - This article will take the Korean manufacturing industry as an example to estimate Korea's global value chain status from the perspective of overall and sub-industry, hoping to provide a theoretical reference for Korean manufacturing to climb the global value chain. Design/methodology - Based on the WIOD data. The data is calculated by using MATLAB (2014a) coding. The data for 6 sectors are classified according to the International Standard Industrial Classification revision 3 (ISIC Rev. 3), the WIOD data are used to calculate and compare the position, participation and dynamics of the Korea, China and USA' manufacturing industry in the 1995-2016. Findings - The empirical results supported conclusions of the theoretical model. In the Korean GVC of electrical and optical sector, while stronger forward linkages than backward linkages to GVC are advantageous for an average advanced country, the benefits of downstream tasks are pronounced for non-advanced countries. And proved the correlation for an index to capture a country's upstream position or downstream position, it makes sense to compare that Korea's exports of intermediates in the same sector that are used by China and USA. Originality/value - The first is to re-examine the characteristics of South Korea's participation in global value chains under a more systematic and accurate theoretical framework, which provides a new empirical reference for related research; the second is to content covers of the manufacturing 6 sectors, so as to more completely describe the characteristics of Korean manufacturing's participation in global value chains; The value of this paper is providing empirical evidence of the effect of Korea's the GVC of manufacturing sectors. In the GVC of 6 sectors, first three have a higher position in the value chain and are in the upper middle and upper reaches of the GVC. The latter two have a low GVC position index, which has become the main sector that pulls down the overall position of Korea's manufacturing industry.

종합편성채널 저널리즘의 비판적 재조명 시사토크쇼 정치 매개 엘리트들의 텔레비전 정치 (A Critical Review on the Comprehensive Cable TV Channels' Journalism Focused on the TV Politics of Political Mediating Elites in Current Affairs Talk Show)

  • 이영주
    • 한국언론정보학보
    • /
    • 제77권
    • /
    • pp.36-72
    • /
    • 2016
  • 정치적 산물로서 출범한 지 5년을 넘어선 종합편성채널의 영향력과 방송 영역에서의 지위가 상승하고 있다. 종편의 안정화는 저널리즘의 물량 공세에 기초한다. 끊임없이 반복적으로 쏟아 내는 뉴스와 시사토론 프로그램들이 '종편 타임대'라 불리는 오후 시간대를 점유한다. 시사토크쇼는 종편이 만들어 낸 대표적인 프로그램 형식이자 상품으로 독특한 종편 스타일 저널리즘을 이끌고 있다. 시사토크쇼의 주인공은 평론과 토론을 위해 모인 출연자들이다. 이 연구는 이들을 정치 매개 엘리트라는 개념적 위치화와 함께 TV조선, 채널A, MBN, JTBC의 대표적인 시사토크쇼에서 이들이 벌이는 텔레비전 정치의 풍경들을 살펴본다. 이 연구는 종편의 시청률을 상승시키고 시청자들의 이목을 집중시키는 시사토크쇼에서 정치 매개 엘리트들이 자신들의 정치적 편향성과 감정을 과감하게 드러내고 독특한 규정과 서술적 발화들을 통해 특정 대상들을 형상화하는 텔레비전 정치의 효과들을 읽어 내고자 한다. 이 연구에서 출연자로 불리는 정치 매개 엘리트들은 주로 극우, 보수, 중도보수적 정치 성향들을 가지며, 특정한 정당이나 정치 집단과 밀착된 관계를 형성한다. 정치 매개 엘리트들은 종편 시사토크쇼에서 수행하는 텔레비전 정치를 통해 대중들에게 영향을 미치는 자산을 확보하면서 정치 집단과 정치적 교환 혹은 거래 관계를 형성한다. 이 같은 정치적 동원, 교환, 거래의 관계 속에 종편의 시사토크쇼가 위치하며, 시사토크쇼는 정치적 전장으로 존재할 수밖에 없다는 점을 이 연구는 강조한다.

  • PDF

러시아의 유라시아 영향력 인식과 카스피해 입장 변화 (Russia's Perception of Influence on Eurasia and Changing Position on the Caspian Sea)

  • 손무갑
    • 해양안보
    • /
    • 제1권1호
    • /
    • pp.31-59
    • /
    • 2020
  • 본 연구의 목적은 왜 러시아가 카스피해 협약에서 카스피해 횡단 노선을 허용하는 방향으로 입장을 전환하였는지를 밝히는 데 있다. 러시아의 유라시아 통합에 대한 입장 변화를 설명하는 이론은 변화의 원인으로 서방으로부터의 고립과 아시아-태평양의 정치·경제적 중요성 상승을 제시하지만, 서방의 영향력을 허용할 수 있는 입장 변화의 원인은 설명하지 못한다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 러시아의 카스피해 입장 변화의 원인으로 유라시아 개발에 따른 유라시아 영향력 확대에 대한 인식의 변화를 제시한다.

  • PDF

Factors Influencing the Implementation of Non-profit Organization Financial Statements of Political Parties: Evidence from Indonesia

  • JATMIKO, Bambang;LARAS, Titi;WIJAYANTI, Anatya
    • The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
    • /
    • 제7권11호
    • /
    • pp.185-194
    • /
    • 2020
  • This study aims to find out whether political parties apply financial reports under PSAK (Statement of Financial Accounting Standards) No. 45. The Stewardship Theory provides the analytical framework. The objects in this study were 16 Yogyakarta City Political Parties in the Special Region of Yogyakarta, with the total number of 64 respondents. The application for processing data in this study used SPSS 22 version. Based on the results of analyzing data, H1, which had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.026 <0.05, then H0, stating that there was an influence of the statement of financial position on the implementation of PSAK, was rejected. H2 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.116> 0.05, so that H0, stating that there was no significant effect of the activity report on the implementation of PSAK, was accepted. H3 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.027 <0.05, meaning that it rejected H0, which stated that there was a significant effect of the cash flow statement on the implementation of PSAK. Furthermore, H4 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.744> 0.05, indicating that H0 was accepted, stating that there was a significant effect of notes to the financial statements on the implementation of PSAK.