• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.77-106
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• 2023

The DPP's victory over the KMT in Taiwan's 2020 elections has been interpreted as a triumph for anti-China sentiment. However, the rise of political outsiders and their influence on voting behavior in this election were overlooked and underestimated. In this article, we examined different sources of data and found that supporters of these political outsiders mentioned sovereignty and cross-Strait issues less than the incumbent Tsai Ing-wen. However, when faced with the choice between Tsai and challenger Han Kuo-yu, voters who were concerned about governance chose Tsai, contributing to her winning a record number of votes. This article suggests that economic and governance issues had a considerable role in the election's result and will probably be the main focus of the 2024 presidential election. With the potential for a conflict in the Taiwan Strait increasing, anti-China sentiment is unlikely to be the deciding factor this time around.

• Asian review of World Histories
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.207-229
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• 2016

Apart from its Greco-Roman and Christian connotations, considering its continuous influence in the Byzantine world, the oikoumene should be seen as a geo-political as well as socio-religious concept of networking and unity in popular thought and local narratives. This paper argues that "ecumenical" thought survived after Late Antiquity and through the Byzantine era in the Orthodox transportation infrastructure of people and information. It also provides a review of the circulation of heresiological "labels" in the middle to late Byzantine eras. In the Mediterranean, routes, transportation vehicles, and any media supported intelligent networking in the oikoumene. People in the oikoumene could access foreign teachings or stories from outsiders or "barbarians" of different faiths. Constantinopolitan intellectuals coined and issued labels for heretics, such as the Bogomils, Paulicians, and Massalians, and constructed a narrative of the heretical contamination from the center of the oikoumene. Heresiologists collected the information used in creating these heresy titles from far-flung places in all directions from Constantinople, and then exported the labels, which were spread using the transportation network of the Byzantine oikoumene.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.89-116
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• 2022

During the Covid-19 pandemic's first term of April-June 2020, the general public throughout Indonesia became familiar with the slang term "local lockdown." This term emerged in response to disorderly implementation of the half-hearted government policy called Pembatasan Sosial Berskala Besar (PSBB). In villages around the country, people started to build portals to restrict "strangers" or "outsiders" from entering their village areas. These portals were also meant to publicly signal the villagers' fear of the spread of the virus. This paper will discuss two things: first, how fear was produced, using frameworks drawn from Giorgio Agamben's notable works State of Exception and Homo Sacer, and how governance reproduces it; and second, how people come to accept the state of emergency and then publicly express their acceptance of the situation. Critical discourse analysis is applied to read government policy and its reception. The research took place at Rempoah, Kedungmalang, and Pabuwaran villages in Banyumas, the southern regency of Central Java, Indonesia. The villagers' responses to the government's policy are visually represented through written warning signs.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.32-43
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• 1997

Deprivation of means to study the cultures and history of the natives of Bering Strait in their own lands, gives us and especially U. S. A. and Russia-where the objective regions of this study is pertained to-the great suffering of intellectual and aesthetic losses. Throughout 20th century, as political and economic forces prevailed, it became increasingly difficult for both Natives and outsiders to see this region as having common past. In such difficult circumstances, United Nations Council for Environmental Development held at Rio de Janeiro, Brasil in June, 1992 started out to give obligations to present environmental future. With such trend getting stronger and being in demand, this study is also focussed on coincides with such environmental matters and differs from man centered western civilization which ruled th environment rather than to harmonize with it. Through the studies of fashions and cultural materials of this region, it was able to identify the great similarities between Northwestern Alaska and Northeastern Siberia. Especially in the clothing materials of this region\`s toy dolls, it was possible to confirm that both side of Bering Strait possessed similar culture. Although both side had similar environment, in the past its peoples began to be seen as separated and alienated aligned only with their current political state-Russia and U. S. A. Through this study, it was able to see diversity of the peoples and thir languages but also close cultural and historical ties that link them very closely together. This study verified such similarities and common characteristics through close examination of Native clothing and decorations and other traditions of Siberian Natives such as Yupik, Chukchi, Koryak, Even, Amur River peoples and Nivkh; and Alaskan Natives such as Inupiag, Yupik, Alutiig, Aleut, Athapaskan, and Tlingit.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.223-265
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• 2002

In United States black mothers have consistently been treated as national outsiders, as women whose children, although ostensibly entitled to full citizenship, are in practice rarely provided with equal protection within the nation′s borders or under its laws. From the time he began writing in the aftermath of the failures of national Reconstruction, the African American public intellectual and political activist W. E. B. Du Bois realized that a truly effective anti-racist politics would also have to contend with the particular ways in which U.S. racism targeted black mothers. In short, he understood that an effective anti-racism would necessarily have to be a form of anti-sexism. This article examines the myriad ways in which Du Bois attempted to reconstruct the relationship between race and reproduction in the interest of producing anti-racist, anti-nationalist, as well as internationalist thinking. In so doing it treats the various representations of black maternity and child birth that Du Bois created, and elaborates on the rhetorical and political function of these representations in combating the racialization of national belonging on the one hand, and in articulating universal black citizenship, or what this article theorizes as racial globality on the other. The article begins by considering Du Bois′s attempts to transcend ideas about the racialized reproductive body as a source of national belonging within the United States, particularly his efforts to contest the idea of the reconstructing nation as a white nation reproduced exclusively by white women. Through analysis of Du Bois′s depiction of the birth and death of his son in his monumental work The Souls of Black Folk (1903) it demonstrates his reluctance to build an anti-racist politics founded on the idea that belonging within the nation is something that can be bestowed by one′s mother. The article proceeds by turning to Du Bois less well-known romantic novel, Dark Princess (1928) in which, by contrast, he depicts the birth of a "golden chi1d" who belongs not only within the United States, but within the world. This child, the son of an African American man and an Indian Princess, is cast as a messenger and messiah of a utopian alliance between pan-Asia and pan-Africa. In exploring the relationship between these two reproductive portraits, the article moves from a discussion of Du Bois′s critique of the ideological construction of the U.S. as a white nation reproduced by white progenitors, to an examination the literary figuration of a b1aek mother out of whose womb a black diasporic anti-imperialist alliance springs. In contrast to previous scholarship, which has tended to focus on the critique of U.S. racial nationalism that Du Bois expressed in his early work, or on the internationalism that he later embraced, this article pays close attention to how Du Bois′s anti-nationalist and internationalist politics together subtended by subtle, but constitutive, sexual politics.