• 산업융합연구
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• 제21권11호
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• pp.125-134
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• 2023

본 연구는 보건의료 간호정책 교육이 간호대학생의 정치효능감, 정치참여 및 정치 관심도에 미치는 효과를 검증하기 위해 시도되었다. 대상자는 2023년 3월 8일부터 6월 21일까지 G시의 간호학과에 재학 중인 2학년 학생으로, 실험군 44명, 대조군 45명으로 총 89명이었다. 보건의료 간호정책 교육은 ADDIE(Analysis, Design, Development, Implementation, Evaluation)모형의 교수설계 방법을 활용하여 개발하였으며, SPSS 25.0 프로그램을 사용하여 평균과 표준편차, 독립표본 t 검증으로 분석하였다. 보건의료 간호정책 교육에 참여한 실험군은 중재 전보다 중재 후 정치효능감(t=2.34, p<.05)과 내재적 정치효능감(t=2.75, p<.05), 소극적 정치참여(t=2.22, p<.05) 점수가 통계적으로 유의하게 향상되었다. 본 연구 결과를 바탕으로 추후 간호교육에서 보건간호정책 교육은 외재적 정치효능감과 정치참여의 적극성을 높이기 위한 방향으로 프로그램을 구성하도록 제언한다.

• 환경정책연구
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• 제6권4호
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• pp.103-127
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• 2007

본 연구는 정부의 국제환경규범 결정과정에 영향을 줄 수 있는 이익집단들의 정치적 행동을 조감하는데 필요한 정치경제학 모형을 제시한다. 복잡하고 다양한 이익집단의 집단행동을 분석하기 위해서 본 연구는 최근 유행하는 메뉴 옥션 유형의 선거비용 기부 모형으로부터 시작하여 다수 조정자-다수 대리인 이론에 근거하는 국제 이익집단 정치와 더불어 공동 대리인 모형과 다수 조정자-다수 대리인 모델이 혼재되어 있는 경우까지 조감하였다. 국제무역이론의 특정생산요소 모형을 바탕으로 다양한 이익집단 정치경제모형에서 결정될 수 있는 균형 환경규범의 수준을 분석하여 근래 점증하는 환경주의자 이익집단의 정치적 역할 등을 가늠하도록 한다. 2국 소국가 개방경제를 가정하여 각국의 일방적인 환경규범입안은 매우 완화된 수준에서 이루어질 것이고 이 때문에 초래되는 외부효과는 정부 간 협력을 통하여 내재화될 수 있다는 종래의 이론적 주장에서 탈피하여 국가 간 협력을 통하여 달성될 수 있는 최적의 국제환경규범 수준이 동일한 이익을 추구하는 각국의 이익집단 간의 협력을 통해서도 가능함을 지적한다.

• 품질경영학회지
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• 제49권1호
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• pp.17-29
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• 2021

Purpose: During 2015-2019, the average amount of political donation to the national assembly members in Korea was 1,000 won per person. Despite its benefits such as receiving tax credits, the donation system has not been actively practiced. This paper aims to promote political donations by suggesting a recommendation system of national assembly members by analysing the bills they proposed. Methods: In this paper, we propose a recommendation system based on two aspects: how similar the newly proposed or ammended bills are to the sponsors' interest (similarity index) and how much effort national assembly members put into those bills (intensity index). More than 25,000 bills were used to measure the recommendation quality index consisted with both the similarity and the intensity indices. Word2vec was used to calculate the similarity index of the bills proposed by the national assembly member to the sponsor's interest. The intensity index is calculated by diving the number of newly proposed or entirely revised bills with the number of senators who took part in those bills. Subsequently, we multiply the similarity index by the intensity index to obtain the recommendation quality index that can assist sponsors to identify potential assembly members for their donation. Results: We apply the proposed recommendation system to personas for illustration. The recommendation system showed an average f1 score about 0.69. The analysis results provide insights in recommendation for donation. Conclusion: n this study, the recommendation system was proposed to promote a political donation for national assembly members by creating the recommendation quality index based on the similarity and the intensity indices. We expect that the system presented in this paper will lower user barriers to political information, thereby boosting political sponsorship and increasing political participation.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.63-82
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• 2016

This paper proposes a paradigm for research on broadcast political interviews. Developed using a series of studies, the paradigm introduces core aspects and questions that should be addressed when examining political interviews in a particular society. This paradigm will enable researchers to collect detailed accounts of the interaction between interviewers and interviewees, the structure and tone of the questions posed to interviewees and the interviewees' communicative style when addressing such questions, and the strategies employed by the participants to pursue their goals. It is hoped that the paradigm will encourage the interest and facilitate the study of televised political interviews particularly from the nationally, culturally, and socially diversified Asian countries. Gathering detailed data from non-Western societies in Asia will also facilitate our understanding of the function and effect of political communication from a cross-cultural perspective.

• The Journal of Korean Physical Therapy
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• 제25권2호
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• pp.43-48
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• 2013

Purpose: The aim of this study was to demonstrate that non-participation of physical therapists on the political decision-making committee results in invasion of their interests. Methods: To demonstrate the effects, we analyzed the change of medical insurance score decided by the Health Insurance Policy Deliberation Committee between 2001 and 2012 years, focusing on medical examination as the interest of the participation group and physical therapy cost as interest of the non-participation group. Results: Total medical insurance cost increased by 23.72%, on average. Medical examination cost increased by 23.90% and 37.66% in medical examination for new and established patients, respectively. However, physical therapy cost was reduced by 5.01%. The medical examination cost for physical therapy without medical checkup increased by 2.62%. Conclusion: This study shows that the physical therapy cost, related on the interest of the non-participative group in the Health Insurance Policy Deliberation Committee, rather decreased while the total medical insurance cost increased.These findings demonstrate the invasion of the non-participative group on the Health Insurance Policy Deliberation Committee. Thus, aggressive participation in political decision-making committee is necessary in order to protect and increase rights and interests of Korean physical therapists.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.50-57
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• 2015

An online survey was conducted to assess motivations for using, reliance on, and perceived credibility of political blogs and microblogs during both the Taiwanese general election of 2009 (the blog epoch) and the presidential elections of 2012 (the microblog epoch). Results indicated higher reliance on and motivation for using political blogs than microblogs. Blogs were also perceived to be more credible than microblogs. Respondents who primarily engaged in blogging for information purposes were more likely to judge candidate blogs as highly credible, whereas interest in entertainment emerged as the strongest predictor of the perceived credibility of microblogs. This research also provided quantitative evidence showing how users viewed blogs and microblogs differently in the context of political campaigns. The aim is to explore the pros and cons of blogging and microblogging as a tool for political communication.

• 치위생과학회지
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• 제23권2호
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• pp.93-102
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• 2023

Background: To investigate political participation by dental hygiene students and analyze the differences therein based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Methods: A total of 239 dental hygiene students who were expected to graduate responded to the survey. The data were collected online using a structured questionnaire consisting of 6 items on general characteristics, 10 on political participation, and 15 on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Statistical analysis was performed using SPSS 23.0. Political participation based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy was analyzed using independent t-tests, ANOVA, and multiple regression analysis (p<0.05). Results: Among the dental hygiene students, 60.7% voted in all three recent presidential, general, and local elections, and 14.2% did not. For political parties supported, 65.7% responded that they had "no supporting party," and 34.3% indicated that they had a "supporting party." In terms of the level of political participation of dental hygiene students (0~50 points), the average score was 25.8 points, with the average passive political participation (0~25 points) score at 15.6 points and the average active political participation (0~25 points) score at 10.2 points. With an increase in dental hygiene policy learning efficacy, both passive and active political participation showed higher scores (p<0.05). Conclusion: Dental hygiene students showed low political participation. The presence of a supporting party, higher voting participation, and higher learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy were associated with higher passive and active political participation. Therefore, to increase this population's interest in political participation, various opportunities for related learning need to be promoted and provided in academia, leading to the enhancement of their political capabilities. In this manner, dental hygienists should expand their capabilities in various roles such as advocates, policy makers, and leaders.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제44권
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• pp.373-391
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• 2016

한국의 아프리카 연구는 2000년대 이후에 본격적으로 이루어지고 있다. 그러나 지구상의 마지막 블루 오션이라는 인식과 함께 시작된 최근의 활발한 아프리카 연구는, 최근 몇 년간의 비약적인 양적 성장에도 불구하고 몇 가지 문제점을 안고 있다. 첫째는 아프리카 연구의 학문적 편중성이다. 국내에서 생산된 석박사 논문과 전문학술지 논문의 60% 이상이 사회과학, 그 중에서도 정치 경제 분야에서 이루어졌으며, 이는 아프리카에 대해 경제적 목적 일변도의 편향된 이해를 불러올 수 있다. 두 번째 문제점은 최근의 활발한 아프리카 연구의 결과에도 불구하고, 국내의 아프리카에 대한 인식은 기존의 피상적인 인식에서 탈피하지 못하고 있다. 다양한 아프리카 연구의 결과들이 일반 대중과 젊은 세대들에게 공유될 필요가 있다. 마지막으로 국내 아프리카 연구 주체들 간의 활발한 교류를 통하여, 분야별 연구의 틀을 벗어나 종합적인 아프리카 연구의 방향으로 나아갈 필요가 있다.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제16권7호
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• pp.154-167
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• 2016

SNS의 정치현상에 주목한 본 연구는 SNS의 사용이 어떤 정치효과가 존재하는지를 분석하였다. 그동안 SNS 정치참여에 관한 연구는 단지 SNS 사용자와 비사용자 간의 정치참여 차이에만 주목한 경향이 있었다. 본 연구가 주목한 것은 기존 연구가 가지는 범위를 한 단계 심화시켜 과연 SNS 사용자와 비사용자 간의 인터넷 정치정보 신뢰의 차이, 미디어 이용에 따른 지지 정당 또는 후보 전환의 차이, 그리고 온라인과 오프라인 간의 정치참여의 층위별 차이, 마지막으로 정치참여의 효능감의 차이 등의 연구문제를 검증하고자 하였다. 분석결과 첫째, ICT가 발전함에 따라 정치정보에 대한 관심도도 더욱 상승하고 있으며 정치참여의 방식도 차별적으로 나타나고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 둘째, SNS 사용자집단은 보다 강한 신뢰의 약한 네트워크 구조 속에서 정치정보를 소비, 생산하기 때문에 평판에 따라 신뢰도는 높아질 수 있음을 알 수 있었다. 셋째, SNS 사용자집단이 더욱 정치정보를 신뢰하고 미디어를 이용한 개변효과도 크다는 점을 확인하였다. 마지막으로 SNS는 관습적 참여의 도구보다 비관습적 집회 및 시위 등의 집합행동에서 보다 유력한 도구임을 확인할 수 있었다.

• 수산경영론집
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• 제31권1호
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• pp.1-12
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• 2000

The experience of many countries strongly suggests that bad governments and institutions have been a serious, if not the most serious, obstacle to economic growth and industry-structural adjustments. All public sectors pursue a mix of both predatory and productive activities-bad governments emphasizing the former, while good governments finding a way of promoting the later. In fishery public policy studies, much confusion exists about the roles of policy illustration and prescription. In general fishery public sectors involve collective actions by numerous individuals under conditions of uncertainty, complexity, bounded rationality, and imperfect information structure. All collective fisheries action organizations consist of a center(e.g., government), which leads fishery group actions, and peripheral participants(e.g., fishermen), which are controlled by the government. A paradigm is developed that gives both theoretical and empirical meaning to the constitutional determination of fisheries political preference function or fishery public sector governance structures. Three relevant spaces are specified: policy instrument, results, and constitutional. The collective-choice rules of the constitutional space structure the tradeoff between public and special fishery interest groups. Fishery public sectors seeking sustainable reductions in wasteful rent-seeking fishing activities should select constitutional principles and institutional structures that tend to promote resource sustainability. In particular, the effects of internal and external events on fisheries may result in a greater or lesser concentration of interest group power. Thus, the structure of the fishereis political power must be assessed in any prescriptive evaluation of alternative fishery governance weights.