• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.5
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• pp.691-709
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• 2007

This paper investigates the social and political construction of geographical scale in conjunction with Korean housing politics. Recently, attention has been drawn to the issue of the social and political construction of geographical scale. Spatial scales have increasingly been regarded as socially constructed and politically contested rather than ontologically pregiven or fixed. The scale literature has paid attention to how different spatial scales can be used or articulated in social movements, with an emphasis on 'up-scaling' and 'scales of activism' rather than 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation.' Furthermore, the scale literature has focused on the aspect of empowerment. However, it is worthwhile to examine how scale-especially 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation'-can be used not only for marginalizing or excluding unprivileged social groups, but also for controlling the (re)production of space, including housing space. Under a regulatory regime, the Korean central government gained more control over the (re)production of housing space at geographical multi-scales by means of 'jumping scales,' specifically 'down-scaling.' The Korean central government has increasingly obtained the capacity to 'jump scales' by using not only multiscalar strategies for housing developments, but also taking advantage of various scales of institutional networking among the central and local governments, quasi-governmental institutions, and Chaebols, across the state. Traditionally, scale has been regarded as an analytical spatial unit or category. However, scale can be seen as means of inclusion(and exclusion) and legitimation. Choosing institutions to include or exclude cannot be separated from the choices and range of spatial scale, and is closely connected to 'scale spatiality of politics.' Facilitating different forms of 'scales of regulation,' the Korean central government included Chaebols and upper- and middle-income groups for the legitimization of housing projects, but excluded local-scale grassroots organizations and unprivileged social groups as decision-makers.

• Korean Journal of Artificial Intelligence
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.13-16
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• 2019

While the Chinese banks have started the impact of foreign banks. At the same time, rising pressure on foreign exchange reserves and appreciation of the renminbi has prompted Chinese banks to go abroad and diversify their risks. The financial crisis of 2008 has caused the continued turbulence of the major financial markets around the world, and the valuation of foreign financial institutions has been drastically shrinking, providing opportunities for Chinese banks to carry out overseas M&A. Based on the overseas M&A status of Chinese commercial banks, this paper sums up the characteristics of the overseas M&A. Then taking a series of overseas M&A conducted by ICBC from 2006 to 2011 as an example, it analyzes the relationship between M&A and performance growth using grey incidence model. The test shows: there is a positive correlation between both overseas M&A and interest rate differential with performance growth of ICBC, and overseas M&A transactions role in promoting the performance growth is significantly higher than the interest rate differential.

• East Asian Journal of Business Economics (EAJBE)
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.8-16
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• 2013

Purpose: The objective of this paper is to identify and assess the contribution of budgetary, monetary and institutional shocks affecting the Tunisian economy over the period 1976-2003. The methodology used is vector autoregressive models and structural recent techniques for the analysis of time series related. The empirical results show a significant relationship between the supply shock and institutions on the one hand, and between institutional shocks and economic activity on the other hand. Research Design, Data and Methodology: As part of this section we will try to identify and assess the contribution of various shocks to macroeconomic variables' fluctuations for the Tunisian economy. The study period is: 1976-2003 and observations are annual. Results: The real business cycle theory argues that fluctuations in aggregate economic activity are the result of the interaction of the only real factors namely agents' preferences, technological opportunities, factor endowments and possibly certain institutional constraints. Conclusions: The lowest contribution to the variability of these rights is the monetary shock. As for "civil liberties", the largest share of their variability is the shock relating to the "political rights" during the first four periods .

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.115-132
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• 2008

This study raises the question about why do many international fisheries organizations or regional fisheries agreements come into existence, sustain, and develop prior to the internationally recognized institution such as United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea(UNCLOS). In oder to solve the problem, I will investigate the characteristics of fisheries as renewable resources and propose the collusion model where it is based on the cost-benefit analysis. Especially, if once a fooall large number of fishing is implemented, they are immediately depleted. Consequently they are extinct and no longer exploitable. Thus each interest nations or participants will be better off if they are cooperative and will be worse off if they are competitive or noncooperative in a resource management. Therefore, many of the internationally recognized fisheries institutions and agreements have been made and developed in these days.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.3-23
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• 2012

The recent global financial crisis has highlighted the importance of international monetary and financial system reform. The current system is deemed to be no longer adequate to meet the needs of a complex, integrated world economy. With regards to the reform of the international monetary system, there have been various proposals both in demand and supply sides. These include proposals to build a stronger global financial safety net, to diversify the supply of international reserve currency and so on. These proposals face trade-offs between desirability and political feasibility. Given this situation, a practical transition would be to strengthen policy coordination among the major economies and to reform the International Monetary Fund. The success on both fronts depends heavily on global economic governance reform and the role of the G20. Increased status and representation of Asian countries in the G20 give both privileges and responsibilities to Asians. To meet these responsibilities, Asians should put forth greater efforts to develop their intellectual leadership in global economic issues through creating new forum and institutions.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.138-156
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• 2021

The aim of this article is to describe direction of Sino-Russian relations toward a new epoch - as the decision-making centers of both countries define them - indicating the commitment to building the future international order. It includes the synthesis of evolution of relations, descriptions of cooperation building of mutual confidence by both sides in variety of institutions; analyses of geo-economic relations emphasizing their geostrategic dimension and finally dynamics showing how two great powers want to achieve new areas of cooperation focused on building multipolar world order which is the essence of "new epoch". The argument goes towards recognizing the relationship as a "hhybrid alliance". This hybridity is a structural factor that can constrain the use of new dimensions of asymmetric interdependence as political leverage especially by United States against the two non-western powers but also facilitate to use it against West.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.43
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• pp.7-46
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• 2008

The purpose of this essay explores a critical review of the Korean critical communication studies focused on the problematic of cultural studies and political economy in 2000s. The findings are as follows; The 'consumer turn' or 'audience turn' in new revisionism modelling John Fiske's cultural studies has been interpreted not to complement but to substitute the necessary criticism of the post-authoritarian media establishment of Korea at that time, arising identity crisis of Korean cultural studies as one of the critical camp. On other side, however, some political economy studies close to the unilinear theses of orthodox marxism has been appraised to neglect the complex process and structure of media and cultural production as well. While the press war between the market-dominant dailies and some progressive dailies has given rise to a whole debate as expected in consolidating period of Korean emerging democracy, the conjucturalism as modelled by Hall's 'authoritarian populism' failed to initiate a new theo tical practice in Korea. Finally, this review essay propose the some new research issues that would converge cultural studies and political economy, modernism and postmodernism; citizenship vs 'cultural citizenship'(valuing the private identity and gender) or Habermasian public sphere vs 'cultural public sphere', the culture of production, (modern)citizen/(postmodern)consumer(recently debated in English media policy), 'differentiation' in capitalist production and 'difference' in consumer sovereignty, 21c future vision of public service broadcasting as one of the 20c institutions.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The article is devoted to the theoretical and practical analysis of Chinese global leadership. The concept of leadership is applied as a methodology, which involves identifying the main factors, such as strategic power, the attractiveness of political institutions, the ability to provide acceptable ideas and the presence of allies that contribute to a comprehensive analysis of the country's leadership potential. The authors also describe the relevance of Chinese global leadership and analyze its domestic, economic and international causes. Moreover, the ''Belt and Road'' initiative is defined as the main mechanism for providing the influence of China on the global level which is now being changed its quantitative component, namely the increasing attention to the security aspects of this initiative. In addition to that, it is important to note that China maintains its economic and political positions in Africa, Central Asia and South-East Asia. Africa has a special role in the Chinese ''Belt and Road'' initiative as a recipient of Chinese investments and a site for the deployment of China's naval facilities to protect the trade routes. On the regional level, China will strive to become a leader of the trade and economic processes in the Asia-Pacific region, the South China Sea and the North Korea nuclear program issues. The American factor in modern international relations, namely so-called "Trump factor", which means the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Paris Agreement, will cause demand for Chinese leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and in the world as well. However, in this case a number of questions arise: is China prepared for this? Is Beijing able to bear greater responsibility? Does China have the potential for this? The article concludes that China will not become global leaders in the next 20-30 years, because of internal (political reforms) and foreign policy reasons (doctrinal formulation of foreign policy initiatives, military-political and economic power, international posture and relations with other states). The authors believe that the implementation of Chinese leadership is possible not on the condition of confrontation between China and the United States, but on the establishing of constructive relations between these countries. The last meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping showed a trend for creating channels for dialogue between Beijing and Washington, which can become the basis for interaction. An important place in the work is given to the analysis of development and forecasting the evolution of Russian-Chinese and U.S.-China relations. As for Russia, Moscow should conduct a policy that will not allow it to become a ''junior partner'' of China.

• Journal of Society of Preventive Korean Medicine
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.83-94
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• 2020

Backgrounds : To reduce the patients' economic burden of herbal decoctions use, in 2012, Korean government decided to implement the pilot project of herbal decoctions coverage in the National Health Insurance. Objectives : This study aimed to analyze the policy decision-making process for the pilot insurance project in 2012. Methods : Official documents, research papers, statistical reports, and news articles, etc. on the coverage of herbal decoctions were searched and collected. We used the Kingdon's Policy Stream Model to analyze how the policy of pilot project of herbal decoctions coverage was decided, and who were the main activists for the decision-making process. Results : Components to be included in the 'Problem stream' were the decline in the profits of Korean Medicine institutions, the contraction of the herbal decoctions use, and the fiscal surplus of National Health Insurance. In the 'Policy stream', there were several model studies for herbal decoctions coverage, and examples of herbal benefits in other social insurances. In the 'Political stream', there were the legislative initiatives by member of the National Assembly and the promotion of insurance coverage by the Association of Korean Medicine(AKOM), etc. Policy window for herbal decoctions coverage was opened by the combination of these three streams with the efforts of policy activists, such as the executives of AKOM, and policy researchers. Conclusions : The policy decision process for health insurance coverage of herbal decoctions was analyzed using Kingdon's model, and the analysis shows that the combination of political streams and entrepreneurs' competencies can be an important driving force in policy decision making.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.1 no.2 s.2
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• pp.52-67
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• 1992

In Cho-Sun Dynasty, since Czhu-Ja Ga Rae be introduced in late Korea dynasty, many kinds of $Y\^{a}e\;Se\^{o}$ by a personal or national edition had been published, based on supports of the political ideology. Especially, in the age of governing by $'Y^{a}e'$ in 16 17c, after completion of publishing $'Oh\;R^{a}e\;Yi(1474),'$ 'Geong Guk Dae Jeon (1469)' in late 15c, norm of $'Ga\;R^{a}e'$ has prevailing and the quantity of publishment of it is more growing. Generally, the contents of these kinds of $Y^{a}e\;Se^{o}$ is intended to interprete the czhu-Ja $'Ga\;R^{a}e'$. and furthermore, some kinds of it, descripted directly architectural institutions as a part of $Y^{a}e\;J^{a}e$ through architectural drawings, with quatating chinese scholar's theory. It can be said that architectural institution on $Y^{a}e\;S^{e}o$ may be a kind of political institution as a tool for execution of a ideal ideology in Confucianism. In this Context, it can be concluded that the governing-class in Cho-Sun Dynasty refered to the architectural institution on $Y^{a}e Se^{o}$ as a ideal norm and, in constructing or organizing buildings, it was taken in account as a 'frame of reference'. The Locus of this study is on architectural drawings on $Y^{a}e\;Se^{o}$, for certifying interrelationship the institution which is executed in the drawings and the architectural characteristics of construction and organization in Cho-Sun Dynasty.