• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.110-134
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• 2023

North Korea's development and deployment of nuclear weapons increases Pyongyang's diplomatic bargaining leverage. It is a strategic response to counteract the great expansion in US leverage with the collapse of the USSR. Post-Cold War American influence and hegemony is justified partly by claiming victory in successfully containing an allegedly imperialist Soviet Union. The US created and led formal and informal international institutions as part of its decades-long containment grand strategy against the USSR. The US now exploits these institutions to expedite US unilateral global preeminence. Third World regimes perceived as remnants of the Cold War era that resist accommodating to American demands are stereotyped as rogue states. Rogue regimes are criminal offenders who should be brought to justice, i.e. regime change is required. The initiation of summit diplomacy between US President Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un occurred following the January 2018 Hawaiian ballistic missile false alarm. This event and its political consequences illustrate the efficacy of nuclear weapons as bargaining leverage for so-called rogue actors. North Korea is highly unlikely to surrender those weapons that were the instigation for the subsequent summit diplomacy that occurred. A broader, critical trend-focused strategic analysis is necessary to adopt a longer-term view of the on-going Korean nuclear crisis. The aim would be to conceptualize long-term policies that increase the probability that nuclear weapons capability becomes a largely irrelevant issue in interaction between Pyongyang, Seoul, Beijing and Washington.

• 수완나부미
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• 제5권2호
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• pp.67-80
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• 2013

A widely shared view identifies civil society with the set of nonprofit or nongovernmental organizations. This tradition reflects a long history of social theory viewed in institutional terms. Myanmar society has developed, mainly based on Buddhist culture and tradition. Buddhist practice necessitates public validation within an economy of merit in which moral action earns future rewards. Myanmar private voluntary associations have, since ancient times, played a vital role in achieving social purposes. Buddhist monasteries were the main education institutions in Myanmar. Until today, monastic schools, or monastic education centers as they are often called, have been the most important civil-society institutions bridging the accessibility gap in the state-run education system in government-controlled areas. Apart from social or community based that serve for public health in Myanmar there has been a number of religious organizations serving for the same. Moreover there appeared an association to very differently help those who need much urgent help. Since military coup in 1962, however, successive regimes have sought to stamp out civil society and permit only state-controlled organizations. Civil society re-emerged during the nation-wide pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988. After 1988 civil societies are allowed as like a political party to form. Now a day some civil societies have worked to start small-scale projects addressing local problems, but they must stay clear of politics.

• 기록학연구
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• 제12호
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• pp.237-272
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• 2005

This paper aims to research the historical development of the archival systems in the Primorskii Krai of the Russian Federation. The history of the archives in this region might be divided into the three periods. The first period extended from the territorial acquisition of the Far East to 1938, when the international situation reached the crisis. From then to the end of the Second World War the history of the archives of the Primorskii Krai underwent the second period. The third period has ranged from 1945 to the present day. As the imperialistic countries, including England, Germany and Russia, claimed and conquered the lands in China in the last decade of the nineteenth century, the Russian government was forced to produce a lot of records, which resulted in the establishment of the several archival institutions in the Far East region. Although the Soviet government issued "Decree On the Reorganization and Centralization of Archival Affairs in the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic" in 1918, the political turmoils prevented the Primorskii region from constructing the archival system. However, A. P. Georgievskii and his colleagues made desperate efforts to arrange the archival administration. Thanks to their struggles, the Far Eastern Republic, a buffer state, which existed from April 6, 1920 to November 14, 1922, passed the autonomous regulation, which defined the organization of the committee for the archival administration in the Primorskii region. The Primorskii Krai Archive originated from the committee. As the international situation became aggravated in the East Asia, the Soviet government made a decision to evacuate the records from the Far East region to the western Siberian cities like Tomsk, Omsk and Minusinsk. It was on August 1943 that the Central National Archive of the Far East of RSFSR was established in Tomsk. After the end of the Second World War, the main archival institutions of the Primorskii Krai, that is, the Central National Archive of the Far East of RSFSR and the Primoskii Krai Archive have played an important role in the archival administration in this region. The archivists have not only prepared the catalogues, but also proceeded the descriptions of the archival collections. Furthermore, the archival institutions of the Primorskii Krai have published a series of archives and contributed to the development of the archival system in the Far East of the Russian Federation. It might be concluded that the archives of the Primorskii Krai, reaching were the products of the desperate efforts which the archivists of this region made from the 19th century to the present day, regardless of the political changes.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제35권2호
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• pp.1-39
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• 2013

본 연구에서는 기업지배구조에서의 주요 연구사항인 CEO의 유형, 이사회 의장과 CEO의 분리, CEO와 비상임이사의 산업전문성과 재무전문성이 성과에 미치는 영향을 공기업의 특수한 환경인 공기업 CEO와 정치권 간 관계를 고려하여 분석하였다. 먼저 일반 대중의 지각에 영향을 미칠 만한 외관상 독립성을 기준으로 공기업 CEO의 판단, 활동, 보고에 영향을 미칠 수 있는 정치권과의 관계 또는 정치적 환경으로부터의 자유로움을 의미하는 '정치적 독립성' 개념을 도출하였다. 이를 통해, 기존의 선행연구가 공기업 CEO를 외형상 직업으로 구분하여 정치권에 종속된 인사를 파악할 수 없는 한계를 극복하고, CEO의 정치적 독립성이 훼손될 경우 공기업 성과에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지, 여타 공기업 지배구조 변수와 성과의 관계에 CEO의 정치적 독립성 훼손이 어떠한 영향을 미치는지 분석하였다. 성과변수로는 총자산영업이익률과 고객만족도의 3년 평균 수치를 사용하였다. 이명박정부와 참여정부에서의 제반 공기업 인사정보와 재무정보를 활용하여 고정효과모형을 이용해 분석한 결과, 다음과 같은 중요한 사항이 도출되었다. 첫째, 공기업 CEO를 정치적 독립성 유무를 기준으로 구분하여 분석한 결과, 정치적 독립성이 훼손된 CEO(본 연구샘플 전체 CEO 중 41.1%가 이에 해당, 외부전문가 출신 CEO의 경우 61.8%가 이에 해당)는 고객만족도에 유의하게 부정적인 영향을 미쳤다. 둘째, "공공기관의 운영에 관한 법률"에 의해 도입된 공기업 이사회 의장과 CEO 분리정책은 공기업의 고객만족도에 유의한 정(+)의 영향을 미쳤다. 그러나 CEO의 정치적 독립성이 훼손된 공기업에서는 이사회 의장 분리정책의 긍정적 효과가 상쇄되었다. 셋째, 비상임이사의 산업전문성은 총자산영업이익률에 유의한 정(+)의 영향을 미쳤다. 그러나 CEO의 정치적 독립성이 훼손된 공기업에서는 비상임이사 산업전문성의 긍정적인 효과가 상쇄되었다. 넷째, 이명박정부와 참여정부의 제반 공기업 지배구조 관련 변수 및 성과 현황을 비교한 결과, CEO의 정치적 독립성 훼손은 이명박정부에서 유의하게 높았으며, 비상임이사의 산업전문성과 재무전문성은 참여정부에서 유의하게 높았다. 본 연구 결과를 토대로 CEO의 정치적 독립성 제고와 공기업 임원의 전문성 요건의 구체화를 위한 몇 가지 정책대안을 제시하였다.

• 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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• 제20권1호
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• pp.109-142
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• 2005

본 연구의 목적은 제2차 세계대전 이후의 국제정치질서와 국제항공질서를 비교하여, 한미항공협정에 미친 영향력을 찾아보고, 향후의 국제항공협정의 전망을 해 보는것이다. 현실주의 국제정치와 국제항공정책의 패권적 힘에 의한 국제항공질서의 편성에서 2차 대전 이후의 한미 항공협정이 강대국의 영향력에서 불균형하게 형성된 것에서 시작하여, 1970년대 후반의 신 현실주의의 영향력에서 형성된 국제항공 자유화정책에 따라 1979년도의 한미항공협정의 개정을 통해서 상당한 개방의 방향으로 개정되었다. 그리고 1990년대의 국제정치의 구성주의적 협력의 정치의 영향으로 미국과 네델란드 간의 항공자유화협정을 시작으로 상호협력을 위한 인식의 공유와 전문지식의 공유를 통해서 이제 사용자를 위한 국제항공협정으로 개정 발전되어 왔다. 향후로는 보다 시민이나 이용자를 위한 항공협정으로 발전하게 될 것으로 전망하고 있다.

• 복식
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• 제56권7호
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• pp.69-78
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• 2006

In the early Joseon when royal authority was not still firmly established, King Taejong, or Lee Bang Won tried to make their political position guaranteed through relationships with Ming, making efforts to develop relations with the Chinese nation positively. This political orientation towards Ming by of the king Taejong was also clearly reflected in the settlement of official uniform in the early Joseon, which can be described as follows. Gaoming(誥命), Yinxin(印信) and Mianfu(冕服) granted by Ming for the first time since the foundation of Joseon suggested that the Chinese nation recognized the formal settlement of Joseon dynasty and the inauguration of King Taejong. presumedly, the grants played a critical role in the firm establishment by King Taejong of his royal authority under unstable political conditions. Under the reign of King Taejong, Joseon tried to abolish ancient regime and, instead, accept systems and institutions of Ming as it maintained smooth relations with the Chinese nation. King Taejong whose royal authority was locally deemed lack in legitimacy and morality wanted to receive the moral recognition of his reign. So the monarch tried to not only strengthen his authority, but also take in advanced culture and civilization through submissive diplomatic relations with Ming. This was a practical diplomatic strategy that was clearly discriminated from toadyism. It was a policy towards Ming, pursuing substantial national benefit. Therefore, official uniform system under the reign of King Taejong should be understood accordingly.

• 산업노동연구
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.29-64
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• 2018

이 글은 민주노조운동의 성장과 쇠퇴의 동학을 운동의 '제도적 통합'을 둘러싼 투쟁과 갈등, 이후 정치적 기회의 변화 속에서 노사관계 '제도의 변형'과 유연안정성의 범위를 둘러싼 행위자들의 복잡한 상호작용이라는 시각에서 검토한다. 민주노조운동의 '제도적 통합'을 위한 협상은 불확실하고 유동적인 상황에서 1997-98년 노동법으로 마무리되었다. 이후 1997년 노동법 제도의 변형을 위한 투쟁과 갈등이 지속적으로 전개되었고, 이는 노사관계 제도화게임과 유연안정성 게임의 형태를 띠었다. 그러나 이미 형성된 노동법체계는 제도의 지속적 영향과 경로의존성을 보여주었다. 2008년 이후 운동의 사이클은 쇠퇴국면에 접어들었다. 운동의 쇠퇴는 운동 제도화 및 정치적 기회의 변화와 관련이 있고, 장기적으로 운동주체의 세대 변화와 맞물려 있다. 이제 민주노조운동의 과제는 민주노조운동이 새로운 집합적 정체성의 성장에 어떤 역할을 할 수 있을 것인가에 모아지고 있다.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제23권1호
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• pp.45-87
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• 2013

This paper aims to study Thai democratic deepening and the constitutional engineering with the analytical concepts of 'power sharing' and 'accountability' focusing on the 1997 and 2007 Constitution. With regard to power sharing, the 1997 Constitution had the characteristics of majoritarian principle including a two-party system, strengthening of prime minister and the executive's power etc. It enhanced significantly the aspects of accountability compared with the previous constitutions. The institutions such as Constitutional Court, Commission on Election, Administration Court, Commission on Human Right, Ombudsman, Commission on Anti-corruption, and the Measure for Anti-money Laundering were established by the 1997 Constitution. However, such empowered accountability system were often abused by the political power groups in the political process. The 2007 Constitution has the characteristics of consensual principle including a multiparty system, proportional representation system, weakened prime minister's power, balancing of cabinet and parliament's power, pushing ahead with decentralization. However, the consensual principle of the 2007 Constitution came, in part, from the factional interests. It is similar to the 1997 Constitution in terms of accountability system, which enhanced in law but abused often in practice. One of the critical reasons for the failure of the 1997 and 2007 constitutions to consolidate democratic system was the political game played around the so-called network for the monarchy composed by the military, the civilian bureaucracy, Constitutional Court and the privileged classes. The future of the Thai democratic deepening depends on the constitutional engineering in which the factional interests should be excluded, and the rules of power sharing and accountability which traditionally played around the network for the monarchy should be effectively institutionalized.

• 한국IT서비스학회지
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• 제22권3호
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• pp.101-118
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• 2023

The 'MZ generation' is accustomed to expressing their thoughts and opinions online. As a result, the role of social media in understanding the opinions and public sentiment of the MZ generation has become increasingly important. In particular, the role of social media in understanding the opinions of young people in political contexts such as policies and elections is becoming more significant. Traditionally, in such political situations, various institutions conduct opinion surveys to grasp the opinions of the people. However, existing opinion surveys have many errors and limitations in understanding the specific opinions of the entire population since they are conducted on arbitrary individuals through survey techniques. Online communities are representative social media that share the opinions of the public on specific issues such as politics, economics, and culture. Therefore, online communities are widely used as a means to supplement the limitations of traditional opinion polls. In particular, the MZ generation is familiar with online platforms, and their political support has significant influence on election results and policy decisions. With this regard, this study analyzed the relationship between the sentiment reflected in online community text data by age group on major candidates and public opinion survey support rates during the Korean presidential election for those in their 20s. The analysis showed that negative sentiments reflected in online communities by the MZ generation have a negative correlation with public opinion survey support rates. This study contributes to theory and practice by revealing a significant association between social media and public opinion polls.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제46권
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• pp.590-626
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• 2009

방송에서 공공성이 중요한 이유는 제반 사회에 존재하는 다원적 가치와 그것을 유통시키는 전파의 유한 희소성 때문이다. 방송 전파는 제한되어 있지만 다양한 사회적 가치는 자유롭게 유통되어야 한다. 이것이 방송 공공성의 핵심이다. 방송 공공성의 전제조건은 방송 규제기구와 방송사업자의 자율과 독립이다. 이 연구에서는 방송의 정치적 독립성 문제를 집중 검토하였다. 최근 MBC 피디 체포와 YTN 노조위원장 구속 사태는 아직도 한국사회에서 방송의 정치적 독립성이 심각한 문제임을 보여준다. 지난 2001년 출범한 통합방송위는 사회조합주의 방송 규제기구였다. 2008년 출범한 방송통신위는 국가기구에 가깝다. 공영방송과 방송통신위의 독립성을 강화하는 것이 현 단계 한국 민주주의의 핵심 과제다. 이 논문에서는 한국 방송에 대한 시민의 인식을 확인해 보기 위해 여론 조사를 실시했다. 결과를 보면 일반인과 전문가 집단 모두 현재 방송 독립성이 심각하게 침해받고 있다고 답했다. 본 논문에서는 수용자에 대한 조사 결과를 바탕으로 향후 방송의 독립성 유지를 위한 핵심 정책방향으로 사회조합주의 정책의 재구성 및 규제기구와 공영방송의 거버넌스 재편방향을 제안했다.