• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.25
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• pp.185-212
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• 2011

The faith in St. Mary of Guadalupe is supposed to be concerned not as reminiscence of historical events or legends, but organic product of having nowness. It's an organism that can not be stay in a fixed type. From the perspectives of syncretism the coexistence of heterogeneous elements (Symbiosis) between Catholicism and Aztec's religion has been changed constantly depending on the necessity and function of the subjects who have dreamed the social integration. It's fundamentally clear that the faith in St. Mary of Guadalupe is still valid phenomenon in the modern Mexican society and that the faith is an aspect of popular catholicism which includes the remaining elements of the religion of the Aztecs. This is to understand the meanings of the perception of the contemporary mexicans on the phenomenon for the faith in St. Mary of Guadalupe. Through in-depth interviews, it is revealed that a high rate of sharing of the information does not mean the proportional acceptance of the history. It's a interesting point to see that the mexicans consider the faith in St. Mary of Guadalupe catholic belief, having a feeling of strong tie between themselves and the Aztec's religion. In spite of the historical conflicts over the veracity of St. Mary of Gaudalupe, the majority of the contemporary mexicans consider the faith positive element to consolidate the nationality and socio-cultural identity of $M{\acute{e}}xico$ against the socio-political and ethnic conflicts in the Mexican Society.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.6
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• pp.937-959
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• 2009

The Queen of the Air, John Ruskin-s highly elliptical publication of 1869, elaborates a complex mythology as a way of responding to the prevalence of scientific thinking, widespread environmental degradation, the pernicious effects of political economy, and mechanistic labor. Benjamin-s desire to rescue human experience from prevailing scientific conceptions is reminiscent of Ruskin-s fear that the peculiar power that shapes the unities of the natural world is simultaneously being "beaten down by the philosophers into a metal or evolved by them into a gas" and obscured by the dreams and theories of philosophers and theologians. As a critic remarks, in Benjamin-s-and, we would add, Ruskin-s-view, "what the modern era lacked was a basis for continuity which would prevent experience from disintegrating into a desultory and meaningless series of events." Despite its frenetic hyper-associativity, then, The Queen of the Air contains a key element that Benjamin believes is necessary for "redemption": the desire for a new form of consciousness that recognizes links to the past and thus to the longings and dreams of our forebears. Thus, although Ruskin most immediately influences Proust, who in turn influences Benjamin, Benjamin-s thought is far more Ruskinian than critics have heretofore observed. Just as Benjamin helps us make sense of the ways in which The Queen of the Air is caught in the grip of the shocking associativity of modern life, so Ruskin assists us in discerning similar impulses in Benjamin-s attraction to a form of archaic consciousness that can, by altering the modern form of perception, reenchant the present.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.30 no.6
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• pp.81-92
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• 2021

It is generally believed that Seonjeong-jeon and Heejeong-dang respectively served as Pyeonjeon of Chang-deok Palace in the earlier and the later period of Joseon dynasty. However, such belief is based on the concept of Pyeonjeon that emerged after the time of King Soonjo's reign(1800~1834). The concept and functions of Pyeonjeon varied among times ranging from Koryo to late Joseon dynasty. In the earlier Koryo dynasty, the word Pyeonjeon signified both "Pyeonjeon in relation to Jeong-jeon" or "Pyeonjeon as a casual office for the king". The ambiguity of the word was resolved when Bopyung-cheong and Jogye-cheong were established in the earlier Joseon dynasty. These buildings in Chang-deok Palace (and only Bopyung-cheong in Gyeong-bok Palace) held rituals related to events in Jeong-jeon, as well as their exclusive political rituals. Thus, the meaning of the term "Pyeon-jeon" became restricted to its second meaning, namely a casual building for the king's everyday office work and small banquets. However, the ambiguity reemerged from around the time of King Seong-jong's reign(1469~1494). In this period, Pyeonjeon as in relation to Jeong-jeon was often referred to as "Jeong-jeon", or "Beop-jeon" from the mid-16th century. In the 19th century, Pyeonjeon as king's casual office took over the characteristics and functions of Beop-jeon. Thus, the popular notion of "Pyeon-jeon" was newly established and passed onto nowadays.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.27-59
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• 2022

During the past two decades, the Southeast Asian region has experienced a range of major crises. Service industries such as tourism and the marginal and migrant laborers who work in them have usually been at the sharp end of these testing events, from natural and environmental disasters, epidemics and pandemics, global financial slumps, terrorism, and political conflict. The latest challenge is the "Novel Coronavirus" (Covid-19/SARS-CoV-2) pandemic. It has already had serious consequences for Southeast Asia and its tourism development and these will continue for the foreseeable future. Since the SARS epidemic of 2002-2004, Southeast Asian economies have become integrated increasingly into those of East Asia (China, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong). This paper examines one of the most significant current crises, Covid-19, and its consequences for Southeast Asia, its tourism industry, and its workers, comparing experiences across the region, and the issues raised by the over-dependence of some countries on East Asia. In research on crises, the main focus has been on dramatic, unpredictable natural disasters, and human-generated global economic downturns. Not so much attention has been devoted to disease and contagion, which has both natural and socio-cultural dimensions in origins and effects, and which, in the case of Covid-19, evoke a pre-crisis period of normality, a liminal transition or "meantime" and a post-crisis "new normality." The transition is not straightforward; in many countries, it operates as a set of serial lockdowns and restrictions, and to predict an uncertain future remains difficult.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.125-157
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• 2019

It has been widely argued that Area Studies is in a critical condition especially in Australia, Europe and the US. However, in the Southeast Asian region, most especially Indonesia, we are witnessing the rise of Area Studies programs with the establishment of several such programs both in research institutions and universities. In this paper, I will discuss a few examples of Area Studies research on the emerging diasporic connections in Southeast Asia and reflect on the constitution of ethnic networks as "sites" where transnational identities are forged beyond state boundaries. Indeed, transnational movements of people have occurred and continue to happen due to particular events like wars and political turmoil, as well as for economic reasons. Today, we find many diasporic groups, including minorities, in the border areas of Southeast Asian countries and historically, minorities have been known for their movements in mainland Southeast Asia. If previously, the diasporic connections, especially with the homeland, had been very limited or even non-existent, today such connections have emerged across national boundaries. On top of this, economic and social networkings are equally on the rise both within and at transnational levels. It is, therefore, important to discuss the identity of diasporic groups and transnational networkings in the cases of two border areas in Southeast Asia.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.48
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• pp.170-190
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• 2009

The aim of this study is to examine the ideological orientation of Minjujungbo which was the first and the largest newspaper in Busan during the U.S. Military Government in Korea. For this purpose this study analyzed the personal history of the editorial staffs and the coverage of the three historical events. The events analyzed were the supporting statement to trusteeship by Korean Communist Party in Jan. 1946, the money counterfeit by Jungpansa in May, 1946 and the general strike in Sep. 1946. The coverages of Minjujungbo on these three events were compared with those of other newspapers which had shown the orientation of the rightist, the neutral, and the leftist respectively. Most of the editorial staffs had been involved the leftist movement but were not socialist to the core at that time. Most of them were the members of Pusanilbo which was published by Japanese in late colonial period. The coverages of Minjujungbo were analyzed to be similar to those of Seoulsinmun which was evaluated as the neutral. But the coverage of the general strike was analyzed as leftist slightly. In conclusion it can be said that the ideological orientation of Minjujungbo was the left-of-center.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.21-51
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• 2018

This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.33-56
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• 2006

The cultural debates between conservatives and liberals at the end of the 1980s and in the early 1990s were termed as "culture wars." The "culture wars" involved a diverse range of controversial issues, such as the introduction of multicultural curricula in educational institutions, prayers in schools, whether to allow gays to serve openly in the military, and whether abortion should be permitted. The most heated debates of the "culture wars" regarding art raged over the NEA and the question of whether Andres Serrano's works should have been publicly funded, in addition to the exhibition "Robert Mapplethorpe: The Perfect Moment" which were charged as projecting "obscene" or "blasphemous" images. This paper examines the development of culture wars in art and focuses on several issues invoked by the NEA debates. However, it is not a detailed chronological investigation. Rather it pays attention to the several phases of the debates, analyzing and criticizing the clashes of the political and esthetical points of views between conservatives and liberals. How could NEA funding, a mere fraction of the federal budget, have become so critical for both sides(conservative and liberal), for politicians and artists' groups, and for academics and the general public? The art community was astounded by this chain of events; artists personally reviled, exhibitions withdrawn and under attack, the NEA budget threatened, all because of a few images. For conservative politicians, the NEA debate was not only a battle over the public funding of art, but a war over a larger social agenda, a war for "American values and cultures"based on the family, Christianity, the English language, and patriarchy. Conservative politicians argued the question was not one of "censorship" but of "sponsorship," since the NEA charter committed it to "helping museums better serve the citizens of the United States."Liberals and art communities argued that the attempt to restrict NEA funding violated the First Amendment rights of artists, namely "free speeches." "No matter how divided individuals are on matters of taste," Arthur C. Danto wrote, "freedom is in the interest of every citizen." The interesting phase is that both sides are actually borrowing one another's point of view when they are accompanied by art criticism. Kramer, representative of conservative art critic, objected the invasion of political contents or values in art, and struggled to keep art's own realm by promoting pure aesthetic values such as quality and beauty. But, when he talked about Mapplethorpe's works, he advocated political and ethical values. By contrast, art experts who argued for Mapplethorpe's works in the Cincinnati trial defended his work, ironically by ignoring its manifest sexual metaphor or content although they believed that the issues of AIDS and homosexuality in his work were to be freely expressed in the art form. They adopted a formalistic approach, for example, by comparing a child nude with putti, a traditional child-angel icon. For a while, NEA debates made art institutions, whether consciously or unconsciously, exert self-censorship, yet at the same time they were also producing positive aspects. To the majority of people, art was still regarded as belonging to the pure aesthetic realm away from political, economical, and social ones. These debates, however, were expanding the very perspective on the notion of what is art and of how art is produced, raising questions on art appreciation, representation, and power. The interesting fact remains: had the works not been swiped in NEA debates, could the Serrano's or Mapplethorpe's images gain the extent of power and acceptance that it has today?

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.143
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• pp.215-244
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• 2017

It is said that we live in an age of technology. And indeed, science and technology do play key roles to our life of happiness, but they are equally central in all events that threaten it. Science and technology are the means we often turn to in seeking solutions to our problems, and in turn are often the apparent sources of new problems. Thus it is not surprising that they have two aspects at the same time. CCTV has been presented to us as a technical solution to security problems. With the help of CCTV, we can more effectively prevent, detect, and prosecute crimes. With the help of CCTV, both public and private spaces can be made more secure. But of course, CCTV also has a down side. The down side most prominently anticipated has been loss of privacy and proliferation of surveillance. It is largely this potential problem with CCTV that has been regulated against. It is said that one reason for imposing a limitation on individual privacy is the societal interest in the prevention of crime. Accordingly a balance between the need to prevent crime through the use of CCTV and the duty to respect the privacy interests of individual citizens is in need of redress. In other hand, two theories of socio-political philosophy may have provided useful ways of understanding the role of CCTV in contemporary society. Firstly, neo-Marxist frameworks, for instance, stress the use of CCTV to police existing unequal socioeconomic divisions within society and the dominance of particular forms of order based upon materialist agendas. Secondly, Foucauldian frameworks contend that Foucault's notion of panoptic surveillance underpinning (self) disciplinary society is an appropriate template for understanding CCTV in late-modern society. In order to find a new point of valance between security and privacy in the use of CCTV, the participation of each citizen in the discourse to make the new norm is necessary. And to prevent its political misuse, their surveillance, or check for the potential surveillance-power is required.

• Journal of Korean Society for Atmospheric Environment
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.209-222
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• 2015

Fine and coarse PM had been collected by LVCI (low volume cascade impactor) and HVAS (high volume air sampler) during January 1989 to April 2012 at Kyung Hee University, Global Campus located on the boarder of Yongin and Suwon. The database of PM mass concentration was constructed and then intensively and extensively investigated to understand monthly, seasonal, and annual patterns of each PM behavior. Especially the study separated all the PM data into the 5 Period Zones, which were classified on the basis of social, political, and environmental issues that might be influencing local ambient air quality during the monitoring period. The overall $PM_{10}$ level had been continuously decreased until 2005 and after then was staggering due to rapidly increasing $PM_{2.5}$ level in $PM_{10}$. The annual average of $PM_{2.5}$ concentration varied from $34.3{\mu}g/m^3$ to $59.0{\mu}g/m^3$, which were much higher than the 2015 ambient air quality standard. The $PM_{2.5}$ level was strongly associated with haze events, while both $PM_{10}$ and $PM_{2.5}$ levels were associated with Yellow storm events. Daily concentrations of $PM_{2.5}$ were ranged $13.1{\sim}212.9{\mu}g/m^3$ in haze days and $33.6{\sim}124.6{\mu}g/m^3$ in Asian dust days. The study also intensively investigated annual and seasonal patterns of $PM_{2.5}/PM_{10}$ ratios.