• Iberoamérica
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.55-91
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• 2021

This article dealing with the political participation of Argentine Conservative Protestants tried to examine the effect of such political participation on democratic values and order. To this end, it focused on the subject of religious equality and freedom, and issues of same-sex marriage and sex education. First, the demands of the Protestants, who insisted on the equal treatment of all religions by correcting the religious discrimination policies, a legacy of the colonial era and the military regime, are very natural and self-evident, when we presuppose the value of a democratic society based on political equality and human rights. It can be said that it has contributed to the democratization of society by aiming to solve the old problems of society. But when it comes to same-sex marriage and sex education, things are quite different. Without considering the social situations of the socially disadvantaged or minorities, or the legislative purpose of defending their rights, they insist on only their teachings of scriptures or ethics, even within Protestantism, there is a disagreement on interpretation. These theocratic views and exclusivist attitudes can seriously infringe on the human rights or freedoms of people of different religions, or different choices about marriage or sexuality, among other things. It can be a serious threat to democratic order and values.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.53
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• pp.5-28
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• 2011

This research examines the recent increasingly intensified non-reporting phenomenon by the press in South Korea and its legitimacy and validity. Non-reporting denotes cases in which the press does not report on significant issues in society. Although journalism scholars have raised this question, it remains unaddressed through case studies and formal criticism. This research compares the reporting and non-reporting by major media groups of cases related to the surveillance of civilians by the National Intelligence Service and the Defense Security Command under the Ministry of National Defense. This research specifies that the non-reporting phenomenon relates not to the ability to report, but to willingness to report, due to intervention by political factionalism of media groups. The non-reporting phenomenon results from the press ignoring their basic responsibility stemming from journalistic ethics and their social responsibility to fulfill their readers' right to know. Accordingly, this research revealed that the non-reporting phenomenon cannot be justified through diverse theoretical discussions and the journalistic code of ethics. Through the logical framework of public opinions and diverse empirical data to support it, this research demonstrates that the non-reporting phenomenon produces not unhelpful, but harmful effects to resolutions to ideological dissent in South Korean society.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.111-140
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• 2014

In this paper, the main subjects with which I deal are as follows: (1) Is Distancing Philosophy from the real ruling power a way of practical-philosophical resistance, based on social reformation as a axiological directivity of Kim Tae-Gil's ethical thought, though it is negative type of resistance? Or is it a sort of transformed value-free opportunist behavior which allows antidemocratic ruling group to coerce the people into submission, assuming an uncompromising stand seemingly? (2) Is Kim's defense argument on the opening of the course of National Ethics and the all-out activation of National Ethics education under Park's Yushin Regime derived from his own philosophical belief? Or is it brought out from the external conditions and circumstances surrounding Kim Tae-Gil which forces him to participate in the national undertaking for the settlement of the course of National Ethics in the university? The 'provisional' answers about the two subjects are as follows: (1) Kim's Distancing Philosophy is a type of practical philosophical revolt against the dictatorship power under Yushin Regime, though it is negative form of resistance. We can accept this philosophical elucidation above all by confirming the fact that the reform of reality is the main ethical trait running through his entire ethical thought system. However distancing philosophy disclose the crucial limits to allow itself to boil to the philosophical practice compromising with real ruling power eventually, though it is intended upon its own social ethical directivity and conviction. (2) The primary factor which affects Kim to propose such an advocation argument on the course of National Ethics and the education of National Ethics is the external conditions and circumstances surrounding him, especially the power-relation between he and ruling group and intimate human relation between he and his superior philosophers who carries out the role of a ideologue for the Yushin Regime, rather than his own philosophical belief. But no matter what primary factor, Kim's action to make a advocating argument to support the course and the education of National Ethics is to blame, on that account that he cannot adequately his social responsibility and role given to him as a reformist moral philosopher who will pursue the realization of righteous democratic society. Along with that, It is not too enough to criticize him sharply for such defending action. The reason is that his supporting stance for National Ethics education is brought out, by not adhering closely to the philosophical way of distancing from the dictatorial power devoid of political legitimacy and moral justification.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.116-126
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• 2012

As a film maker, Lee Chang Dong stands out from most Korean film makers who work within the trappings of genre films. To be sure, Lee has also used the trappings of genre films, such as noire and melodrama, but primarily as a tool to communicate with film audience. In his most recent film "Poetry", Lee seems to have even stripped even the minimal trappings of genre film. Lee commands the audience to self-reflect and work towards their own conclusions by denying them the illusory identification on screen. In this way, Lee's works are counter cinema. Lee achieves a distancing effect using such filmic apparatuses as hand-held camera, fantasy, mise en abyme, and returned gaze. Through these filmic apparatuses, Lee exposes the re-presentation of text and compels his audience to see the historical and political contexts of the text. In this study, I make the case that Lee Chang Dong's film making is an act of repetition compulsion that cultivates ethical reflection, through symbolization of the invisible realities.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.69-96
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• 2013

This paper is to critically review the economic reasoning of non-sustainability of welfare state due to its intrinsic incentive problems and to see how the nordic welfare state responds to them. The welfare state as a political design of state to pursue equality has social insurance as its main economic function. It survives market failure of private insurance to contribute to human capital investment and industrial restructuring. The universal tax-financed welfare state, however, has the problem of tragedy of commons such as reduced work incentive and work ethics. But, the existing nordic welfare state overcomes it through employment-focused policy arrangements, maintenance of work ethics and benefits moral, incentive mechanism of wage-compression, public educational investment and its complementation with social security. The Nordic model shows that problems of incentive and moral are not about those of theory and reasoning, but about their reality which policies and institutions could respond to.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.68
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• pp.217-243
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• 2021

As can be seen from the statement by the UN Secretary-General that "COVID-19 is a crisis with a woman's face," women have experienced great crisis, pain, and difficulties caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. This study examined the situations of women through statistical data and research studies. Through this study, economic, socio-cultural, and psycho-emotional aspects were dealt with in detail, and how these issues appeared in relation to "caring" were examined. In addition, as a response of the church to these problems and crises, pastoral theological reflection was promoted through "Ethics of Care" and "caring ministry". The "caring ministry" of the church extends not only to personal care within the church, but also to social, cultural, economic, political, and ecological issues, and the church has a missionary mission to respond to these issues related to disasters with a public nature. Furthermore, through educational ministry, the change of values and mindsets on "care" and inequality and Diakonia, the loving care of the church community, should be encouraged.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.243-272
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• 2017

The final purpose of this study is to construct new education model through the modernization of traditional education. Our citizenship education model is expected to facilitate the democratic personality and comprise the political education program. To achieve our research project, this paper have tried to reinterpret and categorize diverse the normative, political, ideal meaning of tradition. The modernization of traditional virtue and capability is the main source of democratical citizenship against liberal representative democracy. In this context, Our education model consists of the structure of educational system, the principle of operation and the role of subject, the method of teaching through the consilience of East and West educational philosophy and practice. According to our approach to overcome and the real problems of education, modern 'Sunbei' class model can enable to form community ethics and competence. Furthermore, our new class model will contribute to becoming a democratic citizen of student and the development of Korean democracy in the future. The order of discussion in this paper runs as follows. Firstly, we will investigate into dynamic change of the traditional value on the basis of the political perspective and seek the possibility of modern reinterpretation of traditional capability. Finally, we will complete new education model including both western value and Korean traditional value and the applicable to class teaching.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.71
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• pp.155-179
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• 2022

This study aims to apply Hannah Arendt's concept of 'collective responsibility' to the Christian education on environmental issues around the world, focusing on climate change. This study prepares the concept of 'collective responsibility' and the concept of 'collective guilt' and emphasizes the fact that the current climate change problem should be seen as a political task rather than a task of personal ethics. According to Arendt's theory, Christian education activities applying 'collective responsibility' for climate change can become action. This study has four suggestions for Christian learning to understand and recognize climate change. First, presenting and justifying the anxiety and anger toward climate change in the classroom. Second, transcending self-interest (egocentrism) through "Common Sense (enlarged mentality)" in Kantian terms. Third, building education communities through 'citizen participatory education,' running communication, and conversation. Fourth, encouraging experience and practice in every education community with "faith expressing itself through love (Gal 5:6)." Then, to be sure, this refers to not only love of neighbor in Christianity but also political friendship (philia politikē). The academic significance of this study is that it is the first interdisciplinary research paper in Korea which dealt with Arendt's political theory in relation to Christian education. Although it claims to be a theoretical work that applies Arendt's political theory from a systematic theological perspective to Christian education, the author is proud that it is accompanied by practical elements that can be actualized in the education field.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.159-188
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• 2014

Under the influence of postmodernism, modern writing tends to refuse an immediate conveyance of messages achieved by linear, unified writing. Such writing does not attempt any social participation and has no leading ethics, offering diverse perspectives. It simply relies on material property ignoring the 'here and now'. This discussion depends on the sensuous immediacy of works that are pure and uninterpretable, causing the "death of author" phenomena. Although the time was late, since the 1990s, discussion and work on deconstructive theater has been executed in the Korean theater world. This deconstructive work was achieved when lineal narratives were shattered through the shocking insertion of fragmentary episodes and imagery. Moreover, such plays were shocking presentations of severance in conversation; lack of communication; loss of pride and love; and a world devastated by violence and madness. In the 2000s, such a movement helped form a new paradigm in the theater through reinterpretation and parody of traditional dramas, while drawing general attention to postmodern theater. However, as the problems of postmodern theater are perceived through study, the limit of plays with a postmodern tendency is pointed out: such plays merely display 'deconstruction'. This thesis will examine reflective thought on postmodern theater seeking "deconstruction without alternatives" and the aesthetic concept of "le politique" by Jacques Ranciere. It will also look through the overlap of images as interval-estrangement, "lettre morte", and simulacre representing mise-en-scene aesthetics weaving "political writing". This study is meaningful in that it tries to extend the new aesthetic horizon of Korean theater, examining in 2009 and by Koh Sun-Woong in 2011, directed by Park Chung-Hee in 2010 and directed by Park Keun-Hyung in 2009.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.48
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• pp.361-389
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• 2017

This essay examines 'precarity politics' by Judith Butler, a well-known gender theorist and queer philosopher, in Notes Towards a Performative Theory of Assembly (2015) focused on concepts as unchosen cohabitation of Hannah Arendt and unwilled proximity of Emmanuel Levinas. Butler's precarity politics is the condition of our dispossessed political beings with fundamental vulnerability and interdependency that cannot choose with whom we will live on this Earth. Butler's political ethics is twofold: on one hand, she examines significance of 'action'' the most significant vita activa in the public area, and 'plurality'' the condition-not only the necessary condition but the possible condition-for a political life suggested by Hannah Arendt in Human Condition; on the other hand, Butler reflects upon global precarity based on a diasporic precarious life in the social world towards freedom and equality. Unchosen cohabitation of plural humans on Earth, and global pervasion of precarity, that indicates "politically induced condition in which certain populations suffer from failing social and economic networks of support and become differentially exposed to injury, violence, and death," so called "differential distribution of precariousness," are practical possibilities of ethical and equal cohabitation of different ethnic groups in the social world. Ethical obligations or ethical demand to respond to others' suffering in distance and proximity originated from precarity politics, mentioned in Precarious Life, Parting Ways, and Frames of War, could be non-foundational joint of plural people living together globally. We should presume the 'reversibility' of distance and proximity in others' suffering, based on responsiveness and responsibility of others, if we want to stay attuned to the pain of others we never chose to live together. That is the significance of Butler's 'precarity politics' with 'ethical obligation' to accept 'unchosen plurality' of living population on Earth, and 'reversibility between of distance and proximity,' in her 'new plural and embodied body politics' or 'new corporeal ontology', through human primary vulnerability, fundamental interdependency, being exposed and responsive to suffering of others.