• Proceedings of the Korea Society for Industrial Systems Conference
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• 1999.12a
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• pp.623-637
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• 1999

This study firstly aims to review the discussions among major nations and international organizations on removal of tariff wall in EC. Secondly, it is analyzed how the trend of tariff reduction of removal will affect an individual economy in a partial balance analysis model on an assumed small-size economy. In closing, political implication for removal of tariffs in EC will be presented. The study concluded that tariff removal on Internet EC has both positive and negative effects on the importing economy. It can improve the efficiency in utilization of economic resources by the importing economy in the long term while cut the financial revenue and aggravate the trade balance of importing country. It is inferred from such a conclusion that tariff removal can lead to trade imbalance between the Information haves and the have-nots.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.407-436
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• 2008

The purpose of this study is to verify the economic effects of the on going Korea-EU FTA negotiations upon the regional economy and to present some strategic economic countermeasures to deal with the forthcoming changes on the economic environments. In comparing with the industrial structure between Korea and EU, due to the different specific part of their industrial competitiveness both parts would have complementary cooperative transactions and trade as well. And also Korea and EU would have the similar understanding of the importance of the field of agriculture and service in accordance with the economic standpoint respectively. The level of degree and magnitude of the effect of Korea-EU FTA upon the regional economy would be decided in accordance with the industrial structure and the level of income of the regional economy. We are not to confirm and specify the economic influences of Korea-EU FTA negotiations on the economic conditions of Gangwon province but to prepare rational economic countermeasures fit to its structural character. One of the political strategies that might be feasible is the inflow of foreign direct investment from the developed European countries to the regional economy. This developing model would mean a new experiment to activate any regional economy and a new formation of the policy of economic growth.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.91-102
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• 2011

Smart work is deeply embedded in our contemporary lives. This is called Smart Life. The expansion of communication, caused by smart life is utilized for the political purposes of politicians, political candidates, and political policies. Chiefly, smart life includes improvement in awareness, personal relations, and policy advocacy. Socially, smart life leads the proliferation of issues and civil movement. In particular, smart life has a significant effect on culture. In the case of K-POP, it is disseminated going beyond space time. It enhances economic value added by joining and sharing at the same time. Smart life has numerous advantages such as improving the quality of life, but it might cause inconvenience depending on users because there are differences in acceptance according to generations. Due to the heavy weight on the device, there are some side-effects such as lacking in human thinking, disclosure in private life, lacking in basic securities, increase in information addicts who are anxious when they do not get on the Internet or SNS, and interference with work. However, this inconvenience can change into convenience when users are accustomed to it. Like this, smart life influences politics, economy, society, and culture a lot. Working environment of smart life is a new paradigm, which can generate high performance through working in an exciting and bright atmosphere with easy economy and putting value on results.

• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.23-31
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• 2012

The number of small businesses being founded nationally is constantly increasing and various kinds of aggressive efforts are being made to remain competitive. As such, political support by the government for small businesses that have great productivity and competitiveness must increase. The founding of small businesses is being promoted by the government in order to boost the economy, and interest in founding new businesses is high amongst not only college students, but even general workers. Thus, the purpose of this study is to examine problems regarding the founding of small businesses, and to give new businesses a competitive edge by presenting political answers to these problems. After analyzing the status of current issues concerning the foundation of small businesses, this paper suggests some positive policy alternatives. Existing studies on small businesses were focused on the promotion of small and medium distributors, and studies on policy alternatives aimed directly at promoting the businesses are, so far, insufficient. Further studies are required to examine political alternatives from the perspective of the roles of non-profit organizations, which the Government is responsible for, in supporting small business.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.1-24
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• 2023

This paper empirically examines the relationship between inter-Korean trade and inter-Korean relations over the past three decades. It asks two questions: (1) Does inter-Korean trade contribute to improved inter-Korean relations and peace on the Korean Peninsula? (2) Does improved inter-Korean relations lead to increased inter-Korean trade? The study employs a time-series causal relationship analysis methodology to answer these questions. The findings show that during the progressive government's reign, inter-Korean trade was not impacted by inter-Korean relations. This is due to the implementation of a political-economic separation policy towards North Korea. Moreover, the increase in general trade and processing on commission did enhance inter-Korean relations, reflecting the "inclusive policy" aimed at achieving peace on the Korean Peninsula through inter-Korean trade. In contrast, during the conservative government's reign, inter-Korean relations had a direct impact on inter-Korean trade, with deteriorating relations leading to a significant decrease in trade. This was due to the implementation of North Korea policies that were linked to politics and the economy.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.17-27
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• 2008

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.80
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• pp.7-39
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• 2016

This essay deals with the bulk of problems of media raised by social inequality. I attempted to examine the relationship between inequality and media/information. In adopting the method of political economy based on dialectical viewpoint, I argue that collaboration among Chaebol, media, power result in the media capitalism. This mode of production has brought about the decline of public service and democracy. It led the Korean industrial capitalism to media capitalism. This mechanism is a dominant but unfair system with grasping of wealth, power, information. The media capitalism, based on profit, privatizations, power monopoly, remains democracy and public service in retreat. Chaebol-media-power complex plays an important role in cementing the establishment. We are reminded how much the dominant system has deteriorated the public interests of the media market and information.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.529-538
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• 2021

This article aims to describe the institutional structuring strategy of independent smallholders in accelerating sustainable economic development, by taking the example of the cow-coconut integration system (SISKA) problem in Sialang Palas Village, Riau. The method used identified stakeholders related to SISKA; the stakeholder's goals and interests, farmers' social and institutional bases, and self-help farmer socio-economic networks. First, identification of various factors through strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats (SWOT) analysis techniques. Second, through the Modern Political Economy analysis technique. Third, imparting knowledge and skills to the farmers and village officials through a collective learning process in utilizing natural resource waste and social resources. The results showed that the farmer management strategy in the reform era started by clustering the interests of farmers. The dynamics of structuring group relations between the chairman and members with farmers outside the group are the basis for strengthening the local ideology of independence in the future. This institutional structuring strategy that focuses on access to farm power in the village decision-making process encourages a more integrated work of farmer organizations. The analysis above shows that the independent smallholder institutional engineering through regulation, organization, and resources are determined by the farmer household economic factors and the application of the value of local wisdom.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.207-216
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• 2019

Unlike previous studies, which mainly analyzed factors affecting tourism motivation and tourism satisfaction, this study analyzes the political, economic and cultural factors affecting the number of Chinese tourists visiting Korea. Empirical results show that political factors such as the Chinese regime, the number of meetings and talks between Korea and China, the number of phone calls between the two countries, and the Korea-China FTA (also as a economic factor) have a significant impact on the number of Chinese tourists visiting Korea. In particular, political friendly variables related to economy (ex. Korea-China FTA) has been analyzed to have a more significant positive effect on the number of Chinese tourists to Korea than the factors that create friendly atmosphere only in the political field. In addition to political factors, economic factors such as the Korea-China FTA, and cultural factors such as Korean Wave represented by Korean cosmetics also have a significant impact on the number of Chinese tourists visiting Korea.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The article is devoted to the theoretical and practical analysis of Chinese global leadership. The concept of leadership is applied as a methodology, which involves identifying the main factors, such as strategic power, the attractiveness of political institutions, the ability to provide acceptable ideas and the presence of allies that contribute to a comprehensive analysis of the country's leadership potential. The authors also describe the relevance of Chinese global leadership and analyze its domestic, economic and international causes. Moreover, the ''Belt and Road'' initiative is defined as the main mechanism for providing the influence of China on the global level which is now being changed its quantitative component, namely the increasing attention to the security aspects of this initiative. In addition to that, it is important to note that China maintains its economic and political positions in Africa, Central Asia and South-East Asia. Africa has a special role in the Chinese ''Belt and Road'' initiative as a recipient of Chinese investments and a site for the deployment of China's naval facilities to protect the trade routes. On the regional level, China will strive to become a leader of the trade and economic processes in the Asia-Pacific region, the South China Sea and the North Korea nuclear program issues. The American factor in modern international relations, namely so-called "Trump factor", which means the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Paris Agreement, will cause demand for Chinese leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and in the world as well. However, in this case a number of questions arise: is China prepared for this? Is Beijing able to bear greater responsibility? Does China have the potential for this? The article concludes that China will not become global leaders in the next 20-30 years, because of internal (political reforms) and foreign policy reasons (doctrinal formulation of foreign policy initiatives, military-political and economic power, international posture and relations with other states). The authors believe that the implementation of Chinese leadership is possible not on the condition of confrontation between China and the United States, but on the establishing of constructive relations between these countries. The last meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping showed a trend for creating channels for dialogue between Beijing and Washington, which can become the basis for interaction. An important place in the work is given to the analysis of development and forecasting the evolution of Russian-Chinese and U.S.-China relations. As for Russia, Moscow should conduct a policy that will not allow it to become a ''junior partner'' of China.