This paper will concentrate on how various particular Southeast Asian conditions created a distinct Southeast Asian cultural identity despite a very challenging geographical and historical diversity in the region. The paper will argue that Southeast Asians demonstrate an ability to adapt to changes and new values but also exhibit fatalism through a very high degree of passive acceptance to political and other changes that affect their society. The paper identifies a degree of environmental and geographical uniqueness in Southeast Asia that shapes context and gives rise to very distinct cultural traits. The historical transformation in the region brought about by colonialism and nationalism, combined with this geographical and political make-up of the region, had an immense impact on Southeast Asian society as it fostered adaptability. Finally, the political transitions brought about by various conflicts and wars that continued to affect the area in rapid succession all throughout the 20th century likewise contributed immensely to a local Southeast Asian fatalistic response towards change. Historically, Southeast Asia demonstrated these socio-cultural responses to such an extent that these are argued to permeate the region forming a distinct aspect of Southeast Asian culture.
This study aimed to analyze the minutes of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee, one of the standing committees of the Korean National Assembly, by applying the WORDFISH algorithm of automated text analysis to estimate the pattern of changes in the ideological orientation of the members of Korea's political elite. The results of the analysis showed that the Legislation and Judiciary Committee generally undergoes changes in ideological orientation around the time of a major administrative change, especially during the period preceding a change up to the time of its implementation. Compared with the United States, where changes in the ideological orientation of the political elite occur simultaneously based on parties, changes in that of the political elite at the Korean National Assembly tend to occur in response to a certain transitional point in time or a change in the ruling government. What is especially noteworthy in terms of the ideological orientation reflected in the minutes of the Legislative Judiciary Committee is that the microscopic effect tends to disappear when the macroscopic effect occurs and, conversely, that the microscopic effect emerges once the macroscopic effect has disappeared. In other words, changes in the ideological orientation of the political elite appear to indicate the effect of a particular legislator's individual characteristics when no effect is observed during a given term or year of the National Assembly, whereas they revealed the effect of a given time itself when no effects related with the individual characteristics of a legislator are discerned.
Unlike previous studies, this study looked at the effect of the ideological tendencies of local government heads on the social welfare budget as a longitudinal study. This study was made possible by the election of the head of a progressive group in Gumi-si, a stronghold of conservatives, after the implementation of the local self-government system. Therefore, in this study, the change process of the political ideological orientation of Gumi-si's heads and the social welfare budget by year were listed and time-series analysis was conducted using actual cases of Gumi-si, Gyeongbuk for more than 12 years. As a result of the analysis, first, as in the cross-sectional analysis, in the longitudinal study, the change in the rate of increase in the social welfare budget according to the political ideological tendencies of the head of the local government showed a meaningful difference. Second, as in the previous cross-sectional analysis, the social welfare budget increased in the year before the election. Third, the same change in the growth rate as in the second did not appear at the end of the third elected term. All studies on the relationship between the political ideological tendencies of local government heads (including local councils) and the social welfare budget have been cross-sectional. However, this study has great implications in terms of the results of the first longitudinal cross-sectional analysis.
Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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제39권4호
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pp.477-491
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2015
This study analyzes Chinese dresses featured in propaganda posters since the mid-$20^{th}$ century as well as explores the political characteristics of dress. This study used an in-depth interview method to investigate information from 10 Chinese familiar with public awareness and donning practices of the Chinese from 1949 to present. Interviews and analysis provided the following conclusions. First, Zhongshan-zhuang, Liening-Zhuang and Bulaji were widely worn in the Reconstruction because of the revolutionary spirit; in addition, Huayishang also became simultaneously popular as a means to reflect the new aspects of socialism. Second, Jufu/Junbianfu were the most common dresses during the period of Cultural Revolution because the government used various mechanisms to control public opinion. Third, Western fashion began to enter the Chinese market and suit wearing by the Chinese became a symbol of the Reformation and Open-door policy. Traditional dress is no longer a symbol of Feudalism and is a part of Chinese culture that has been reaccepted in the Reformation and Open-door times. Finally, during these 60 years, Chinese dress has obvious political characteristics, but began to change. The changes of political characteristics were, de-politicization expressed by the introduction of Western ready-made, permissions for traditional dress and diversification/ individualization.
Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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제17권3호
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pp.340-360
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2005
Fishery resource rents(i.e. windfall gains or excess profit), which tend to lead a variety of important economic, social, political problems, have been a fundamental cause of unbalance between fishery resource use and management. Thus, there may exist several sorts of optimal level of resource utilization such as economic maximum sustainable yield, biological maximum sustainable yield, social optimum production, socio-political optimum yield, etc. The fishery resource use level seems to a large extent to be determined by the characteristics of fishermen's rent seeking structure. As well known, fishery resources as common properties have a characteristic of being difficult to establish private property rights. Therefore, their use rights are controlled by the permit and/or the license system. As a result, absolute or differential rents are formed by the changes in institutional arrangements. Rent problems are often transformed into serious socio-political issues when the rent in a given industry is much higher to a socially unacceptable extent than the average of other industries. However, individual fishermen or fishermen's groups tend to behave aggressively to change the existing fishery institutions towards maximizing fishery rents. These rent-seeking behaviors often tend to nullify fishery management schemes. The larger is the relative rent difference between fisheries and other industries, the more aggressive tend to be the rent-seeking behaviors in fisheries.
Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) is an Islamic social movement that struggles to change the existing political system to the Islamic system. HT argues that all problems in the Muslim world are rooted in adopting secular thought and ideology and the separation between Islam and the state. Hence, HT works to persuade Muslims to abandon that way of life and only apply Islam as the country's only ideology and constitution. HT has spread this narrative since it started in 1953 in Jordan. With this ideological and political attitude, many countries consider HT a threat to their political and community life, suppressing this movement by arresting members and banning the group to reduce or end HT activities in these countries. The Indonesian government has also carried out this repressive policy to limit the influence of Indonesian HTI since 2017. This paper aims to discuss the strategy of Hizb ut-Tahrir to continue its political activities Indonesia after being dissolved by the Indonesian government in 2017. This article used content analysis method to interpret the data collected from interview and documents from Hizb ut-Tahrir. Responding to state repression, HTI sought other methods of action by changing the place of resistance or activities, and by changing its identity.
The aim of this study was to analyze the correlation between professional autonomy and ideology among Korean physicians and to investigate how these factors affect job satisfaction like social status satisfaction and economic reward satisfaction. This study utilized a self-administered questionnaire survey and collected data nationwide between July and August, 2003. 211 responses were used for final analysis. SPSS 12.0 was used for a chi-square test, one-way ANOVA, Pearson correlation analysis, independent t-test and hierarchical multiple regression analysis. The results of this study were as follows. First, many variables of ideological factor were related to job satisfaction. Second, physicians expecting the change of political influence has patient-centered attitude. Third, there were many relationships between professional autonomy and ideology variables. Fourth, physicians expecting the change of political influence and customer-centered healthcare system showed more job satisfaction. In conclusion, professional autonomy is related to ideology, and in order to enhance job satisfaction, ideological factor needs more development. In addition, market-oriented healthcare system would contribute to enhance the job satisfaction of physicians expecting the change of political influence and customer-centered healthcare system.
Although a number of empirical studies found that political ideology plays a significant role in Korean elections, they entirely rely on cross-sectional data analysis. In contrast to previous research, this study investigates the effects of ideology in the 2012 Korean presidential election through standard panel data analysis. Specifically, using "EAI Panel Study, 2012", the effects of ideology on both candidate evaluation and vote choice were examined via fixed effects, random effects, and pooled regression analysis. And the results from applying the two most popular models of ideological voting, the proximity model and the directional change model were also compared. The results show that candidate evaluations and vote choice during the election (April, 2012- December, 2012) were significantly influenced by the ideological difference between voters and candidates, independent from partisanship and other standard socio-demographic factors. And this ideological voting during the election seems better captured by the directional change model than by the proximity model.
Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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제8권6호
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pp.475-483
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2018
The purpose of this study to understand the vocational education of China and to analyze the developing process of vocational education in China. Recently, the major countries of the world of modern society has its government leaders is how much to foster creativity and the rise and fall depending on whether they really value is determined claims. There are 1327 Tertiary Vocational Colleges, with 10 million students in 2015. Together with 14million secondary vocational education students, China owns the largest scale of vocational education in the world. China has not fully established a modern market. Under the economy, the enterprise was the administrative adjunct of the state, and the enterprise was the social and political production function, and the political ethics prevailed that ethics. Literature review and historial approach were utilized as the methodology for this study. The system of vocational education in China is composed of elementary, secondary, and higher stage. The vocational education in China has been developed flexibly along with the social change while keeping the main philosophy of Chinese socialism. The main factors to bring about the change of vocational education in China is, political and philosophical, economical change.
Human history shows diverse strategies for survival and prosperity. This study introduces the concept of the expansion of wealth as a key to explain choice and behavior of political entities. American scholar, -Bruce Bueno de Mesquita-, offers theoretical grounds for this concept in that the cores of selectorate theory is settled. The political entity consists of two groups, -the winning coalition that has power to replace leader and non-winning coalition that has not. Leaders implement policies serving for the welfare of winning coalition in return for their loyalty. Both internal problems caused by demographic changes and external ones of climate changes, epidemic disease, or invasion compel leader and winning coalition to adopt policies of expansion that they believe may lead to the acquisition of wealth needed to counter those problems. The process starts by occupying one spot where other entities reside and then connecting it to its own. The line between spots functions as a foothold to form a new line to other spots. By repeating this process, a space is created in which new laws and orders are instated. In the early stage of expansion, war is hardly avoidable. Once finished successfully, the political circumstance tilts to encourage economic activities in order to generate national revenues to strengthen political power of winning coalition. However, as scale of economic activities grows, so does political power of civic classes in production and trade. To gain financial support required to run the political entity, delegation of power or bestowing autonomy to non-winning coalition is inevitable. Thus, expansion is not the ultimate solution, only to prolong the political survival if succeed. Maritime power came to attractive option when overland expansion had become obstructed. It offered much greater advantages in terms of political risks and financial burdens in exploring new regions of precious commodities than overland expansion. Each political entity around world have been, for the first time in human history, connected by maritime means since 15th century. It is worthy of noting that land conditions propelled people out to sea. Political and economic situations created opportunities to exploit geographical position in pursuit of wealth. In the 21st century, we witness the operation of international winning coalition that presides over the rules of expansion. Competing for market is synonymous to the expansion in this era, the cause and aim of it has not been changed though. Energy and dollars are key factors of expansion since the end of the 2nd world war. No matter what the forms and conditions change, naval power is still the most relevant means for expansion as it retains unique characters of maneuver, flexibility, continuity, display and projection of power. The strategy for using naval power should be in line with two different approaches for expansion: Approaches to the international winning coalition by making contribution to world order, and approaches to the non-international winning coalition by enhancing military diplomatic activities. The former will serve our share of winning coalition while the latter will open chances to acquire further prosperity.
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