• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.26 no.4
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• pp.63-82
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• 2022

Purpose - Drawing on relational institutional theory, we explored how demographic similarity between board members of a firm and newly emerged political elites led to firms' increased financial resource acquisition such as leverage ratio and decreased export intensity amidst the Asian financial crisis. We also studied how a firm's leverage ratio and export intensity can further affect firm profitability and financial credit rating. Design/methodology - We revisited and explored a unique, unprecedented crisis that affected most Korean firms: the Asian financial crisis that coincided with a governmental shift from a conservative to a liberal party. We collected demographic information from 432 listed Korean firms' board members and 43 political elites of the Blue House from 1998-2000 to create a demographic similarity measurement. We collected firms' financial information, built panel data, and used ordinary least squares regression to test our theory. Findings - Our results showed that demographic similarity between a firm's directors and newly emerged politicians had a positive association with a firm's leverage ratio but a negative association with a firm's export intensity. A firm's leverage ratio had a negative relationship with firm performance measured by firm profitability and financial credit rating. A firm's export intensity showed a positive effect on firm performance. Originality/value - We highlighted that during an economic crisis that coincided with a governmental shift and change of leading political actors, firms exerted efforts to survey the environment and build new external stakeholder relationships to cope with the changing landscape. We proposed that in an emerging market like Korea where low levels of trust and favoritism are prevalent across society, one of the relational institutional strategies that firms can employ is the selection of directors with similar demographic characteristics to political elites based on factors including birthplace and school affiliations. We examined the efforts of firms to build political networks with newly empowered political elites during a financial crisis, and the consequences of establishing such networks. We highlighted that during a financial crisis, the demographic similarity between a firm's board members and newly emerged politicians can provide firms with access to financial resources but can also result in poor management and reduced effort to enhance its international competitiveness.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.141-149
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• 2000

The origin and developing process of Highland Dress as a Scottish national dress has been discussed in this study. Parameters affecting transformation process of Highland Dress from regional to national dress over the modernization period during 19 C was analyzed and compared by sociological aspect. Anthony Giddenss social change was applied and divided into three main factors such as political , economic and cultural analysis. The basic requirement of the theory of social change is visual recognization of any cultural changes. Highland Dress as a Scottish national dress has established during modernization in Europe within short period(18C -early 20C) and the Highland tartan as a military dress was transformed to be a civilian dress during 19-20 C. It shows social changes affecting on costume pattern and eventually costume in particular time could be an indicator of social changed. Throughout the study of the functional role of costume in Scotland is able to clarify the understanding of acculturation phenomenon through cultural, political and economic changes.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.149-177
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• 2022

This study analyzes how inoculation affects the spiral of silence. Inoculation could be a beneficial tool in a democracy as it elevates citizens' resistance to attitude change "forced" by "the winning opinion" in the spiral of silence on a certain controversial issue. The study examines essential variables combined with the theories of inoculation and spiral of silence, such as resistance to counter-attitudinal attack, fear of isolation, and issue-involvement. A two-wave field experiment was employed to assess the formation of public opinion on Taiwan's political future with the People's Republic of China. Results support that inoculation enhanced people's resistance to attitude change and decreased their fear of isolation. Individuals who are more issue-involved were also shown to be more affected by inoculation, which allowed them to resist attitude change. The decreased fear of isolation, coupled with more issue involvement, might elevate people's willingness to speak out in public. More political discussions regarding an important public issue might be expected in a democracy.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.69 no.2
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• pp.9-30
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• 2017

Generally, regime shift occurs less frequently than policy change and/or government change. Regime shift needs alterations and changes along the three critical components which constitute a domestic regime: (1) the character of the socioeconomic coalition that rules the country; (2) the political and economic institutions through which power is acquired and exercised; and (3) the public policy profile that give political direction to the nation. This paper tries to examine characteristics of the welfare regime of Korea, and explore policy reform options for the welfare regime shift in Korea. From the viewpoint of livelihood security perspective, I firstly tries to examine development process of Korean welfare regime and specify the main characteristics of that regime. Secondly, I present three policy reform options: (1) reform of the formal political institutions such as electoral system and government type; (2) restructuring of the composition of government expenditure structure; and (3) reduction of the informal employment. These three policy reform options are related to the alteration of socioeconomic coalitions and the changes of the political and economic institutions. Instead of concluding remarks, I finally suggest two debate topics to the round table discussion.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.71
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• pp.155-179
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• 2022

This study aims to apply Hannah Arendt's concept of 'collective responsibility' to the Christian education on environmental issues around the world, focusing on climate change. This study prepares the concept of 'collective responsibility' and the concept of 'collective guilt' and emphasizes the fact that the current climate change problem should be seen as a political task rather than a task of personal ethics. According to Arendt's theory, Christian education activities applying 'collective responsibility' for climate change can become action. This study has four suggestions for Christian learning to understand and recognize climate change. First, presenting and justifying the anxiety and anger toward climate change in the classroom. Second, transcending self-interest (egocentrism) through "Common Sense (enlarged mentality)" in Kantian terms. Third, building education communities through 'citizen participatory education,' running communication, and conversation. Fourth, encouraging experience and practice in every education community with "faith expressing itself through love (Gal 5:6)." Then, to be sure, this refers to not only love of neighbor in Christianity but also political friendship (philia politikē). The academic significance of this study is that it is the first interdisciplinary research paper in Korea which dealt with Arendt's political theory in relation to Christian education. Although it claims to be a theoretical work that applies Arendt's political theory from a systematic theological perspective to Christian education, the author is proud that it is accompanied by practical elements that can be actualized in the education field.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.63 no.1
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• pp.56-63
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• 2013

This study provides comparative analysis on the parodying of the body and political powers in the traditional animation and Shrek Series based on the discourse of Foucault. For the research, parody theories and Foucault's discourse were reviewed through the literature study, and Shrek Series was analyzed through positive study. The Shrek Series overturned stereotypes of the traditional animation by means of parody, especially showing a true body and a political power in the post-modern society. Foucault focused on the body and newly changed political power in the post-modern society. A body was changed into resistant and combative forms rather than obedient and submissive under control of the community power. In addition, political power was changed into relationship-oriented, decentralized and creative power rather than the centralized and class-based. In the traditional fairy tales, heroes and heroines are beautiful and perfect characters who obtain wealth and honor and live a happy life forever. However, heros and heroines in the Shrek Series are not attractive and do not have the ideal body shape, but rather have creative and active personalities and show indifference towards wealth and honor. Furthermore, their dress colors show the change into lower value and higher chroma. The Shrek Series is a future-oriented animation which created a fluid body and a creative political power in the post-modern society.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.41-62
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• 2017

The political reformation in Indonesia is a determinant factor of the change in political communications and the roles of media. Currently, the political elites need media support, since it contextually has a significant role. Whoever has a good relationship with the media, will be loved by the public. On the other hand, the media also have a vested interest in the elite in running businesses and building the power of industry. Policies and capital pose a challenge to maintaining the continuity of the media. Independence and control of media are at stake, when the interests of the media and the elite collaborate with each other and then build a benefit on both sides. Meanwhile, the role of social media also cannot be neglected. The Indonesian political communication system is characterized by the presence of social media in a pseudo-relationship between the elite and the public. This paper tries to explain the growing trends of research in the academic environment and the research trends in political practice in Indonesia after the occurrence of post-reformation era in legislative and executive elections. The method used is the meta-analysis of research outcomes of university (dissertations) and secondary data sources. Data processing is done by meta-analysis of secondary data. The results of meta-analysis research indicate that, the objective conditions, in Indonesia, especially the political conditions, stimulate new spaces in communication research. The study of political communication becomes dominant in the academic environment. In addition, communication research is also characterized by a shift from the linear perspective (positivistic paradigm) to the interactive perspective (naturalistic paradigm). On the other hand, the development of politic and governance situations in Indonesia has prompted the establishment of polling agencies that help citizens understand the maps of political power and candidates in general elections and regional head elections.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.26-57
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• 2014

Revolution of Shale gas literally brings about great changes in many spheres. In the past most academic research had been focused on the influence and innovative change in term of economic perspective. But nowadays we should more concern about the security approach and perspective as its status of the future's core energy resources. Revolution of Shale gas has an great influence on the reshaping of global and regional alliance order. There are many international political implications as follows. Contribution of energy hegemony with leading U.S.; Acting as strategic leverage on the reshaping international order; Deepening competition among major states on the construction of energy security and so on. We'd better make a good solution and systematic policies which are preparing for the Shale gas's revolution period including on the understanding about the change on the global energy structure and making a national policy agenda of energy security issues and so on. The thesis like 'to get the energy resources is to get the hegemonic power in the world' will persist. The same holds good of Shale gas case. To meet the revolution of shale gas era, we have important tasks as like making an opportunity to develope not only regional but also international prosperity.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.29-64
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• 2018

This paper reviews the dynamics of growth and decline of Democratic Labor Union(Minju-nojo) Movement from the perspective of the conflicts among the industrial relations actors on the institutional incorporation of KCTU, a transformation of industrial relations institutes, and labor flexecurity in the change of political opportunity. The negotiations for the institutional incorporation of KCTU concluded in the 1997-98 labor laws. Since 1998, the conflicts and the compromises on the change of 1997-98 labor laws has continued. It was a kind of games for the transformation of the institutions of industrial relations and labor flexcurity. But the 1997-98 labor laws has shown the path-dependency. Since 2008, a cycle of the movement has entered a decline stage. The decline of Democratic Labor Union Movement came from the institutionalization of the movement, the change of political opportunity, and a generational change of 1987 cohorts group which has been the center of the movement.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.7
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• pp.311-333
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• 2005

The national language in the divided Germany has undergone changes that are not simply 'linguistic' in nature but reflect on the diverse social activities that have contributed to the development of the country's political and economic systems. Accordingly, a study of the German language in the process of the division would necessarily involve looking into the socio-political dynamics of the period, in tandem with the study of the linguistic structure per se. This paper deals with the political situation of Germany during the period of 1945 through 1990 and the issues of territorial devision during that period with the view to clarifying the extra-linguistic factors behind the changes of the country's national language. This mode of explaining the heterogeneous linguistic changes that characterize post-war Germany will provide an opportunity to consider the classical issues of the relationship between linguistic changes and social ones in a new light.