• Asian Journal of Business Environment
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• v.4 no.4
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• pp.13-18
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• 2014

Purpose - This study aims to analyze changes in attitudes towards women's political leadership and the social factors related to such changes. The study reviews the field of women's political leadership, specifically the political and economic participation of women in the world, and the impact of variables such as the changes in attitude on such participation. Research design, data, and methodology - The population for this study comprises 99 countries that are members of the United Nations and have participated in the third and fifth waves of the World Values Surveys. The sample consists of 31 such countries selected for sampling. Results - This study is a secondary analysis to examine the hypotheses regression and the LISREL model are used. The findings of the study indicate that the correlation between two variables, namely women's political participation and leadership of women, is statistically significant. Conclusions - The changing rate of women's economic participation is also significant. The significance of these coefficients indicates that the results, with a 95% confidence level, can be extended to all member states.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.529-552
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• 2013

This study examines how individual attitudes towards government and society are affected by political conservatism and liberalism. With survey data from 533 adults(M=249, F=284) who live in Seoul and surrounding areas, we examine the general attitudes towards society, expectation on general government and differences in attitudes towards the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't and the Lee Myung-bak Gov't between liberals and conservatives. Results show that liberals and conservatives vary by age and residence, whereas attitudes towards the general government and society are not. By contrast, liberals and conservatives are distinctly different evaluating governments with specific political tendency. Liberals are more positive to the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't than conservatives whereas the evaluation appears conversely on the Lee Myung-bak Gov't. These differences of attitudes are more distinctive when dividing liberals and conservatives by subjective judgement and political party preference than conceptual measurement of political ideology. These findings suggest that political conservatism and liberalism is the factor that has powerfully affected individual attitudes in the specific political context rather than a consistent ideological framework in Korean society.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.227-231
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• 2024

This study purports to examine the potential effects of welfare attitudes of Korean people upon their political orientation. The 17^th Korea Welfare Panel Data(KWPD) in 2022 are used for this purpose. Independent variable include sex, age, education, interest in politics, and employment status. Discriminant analysis show several results. First and foremost, pre-established discriminant function works well for classification of respondents' liberal vs conservative stance. Secondly, except gender and dummy variable for temporary employed, all independent variables contribute significantly for the classification at a given significance level. . Finally, welfare attitudes of respondents', measured by universalism vs selectivism and the attitudes upon increasing tax for welfare expenditures are found to be significant and relatively big impacts upon dependent variable, compard to other variables in the model. The nature of causal relationship between welfare attitudes and political orientation remains for further study.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.4
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• pp.292-306
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• 2014

China's "two sessions," namely, the National People's Congress (NPC) and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), has significant meaning to the political life of the nation. It collects opinions and advice from different groups of people annually. "Two sessions" 2013 was especially eye-catching, because new state leaders were elected at the meetings. Using CATI (Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing) system, the Media and Public Opinion Center of Fudan University (FMORC) conducted surveys of China's "two sessions" every year from 2007 to 2013. In 2013, the influence of new media on public opinion has become increasingly significant. Microblog and WeChat have become two types of important media for Shanghai residents to express their opinions and take part in China's "two sessions." Based on the empirical findings, this paper examines Shanghai Residents' cognition, attitudes and expressions towards "two sessions" 2013 and analyzes how new media affect the public opinions on significant political events.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.304-326
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• 2023

News shows often deliver crosscutting information to their audiences by inviting commentators from rival political parties. If these news shows foster the formation of informed and balanced views of the audience, mass media could provide countermeasures against political polarization. To test the effect of such news shows, this study conducted an experiment with two variants of a simulated radio talk show. In the partisan scenario, the two guest commentators' affiliations suggested their ideological orientation. In the non-partisan scenario, the commentators had neutral affiliations. We divided participants into two ideology groups, liberals and conservative, and compared each group's evaluation of the commentators in the two scenarios. Two multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) tests were conducted to analyze the effect of the perceived ideology of the commentators on respondents' attitudes toward the commentators' arguments depending on their own ideological inclinations. The analyses results did not support the hypothesis that anticipated partisan attitudes towards the commentators' arguments. It was only the liberal respondents who showed statistically significant different attitudes toward commentators' arguments in each of the two scenarios. The findings suggest that such broadcast shows do not automatically trigger partisan message processing and may help the audience to develop informed and balanced opinions. While the current study failed to find conclusive evidence to support the hypotheses, it also found that the perceived ideology of the information source may trigger partisan attitudes for certain types of issues. Future studies with different experiment designs are needed to investigate the issue further.

• Asia pacific journal of information systems
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.378-391
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• 2021

The low use of e-vehicles in Yogyakarta City and Pekanbaru City is an essential issue for local governments to maximize e-government policies in both regions. The purpose of this research is to analyze people's attitudes and factors influencing the community of e-Samsat (e-Vehicle tax) users in developing the UMEGA theory, namely technology and government trust. This is a quantitative research based on the philosophy of positivism, which is used to examine populations and individual samples. Data were collected using research instruments and quantitatively analyzed. Furthermore, the hypothesis of the obtained data was tested using SEM-PLS. The results showed that social influence does not affect attitudes of e-Samsat (e-Vehicle tax) users. Furthermore, the study showed that the development of umega theory by adding variables of trust in technology and government affects people's behavior in using e-Samsat services.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.191-197
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• 2021

This study purports to explore potential determinants of welfare attitudes toward universalism vs selectivism. For this purpose, literature review upon such subjects as definitions of universalism and selectivism and welfare attitudes has been done. The hierarchical regression analyses show several major results. First and foremost, the effects of those variables such as political orientation and attitudes toward free education and gratuitous child care, categorized as political-social stance were found to be significant. However, it was unexpected results that those variables which have been found signigicant in predicting welfare attitudes in previous literature, that is to say age, education and economic status especially were not to be found significant in predicting welfare attitudes toward universalism vs selectivism. There could be many underlying causes for this result including measurement errors, and this study strongly speculates that the division between universalism vs selectivism itself exists only both in purely conceptual level and in political rhetoric and therefore, universalism or selectivism as people's consistent and logical attitudes or consciousness may simply not exist at all.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.135-170
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• 2018

The recent success of populist parties and candidates in the US and European countries leads to a massive amount of empirical research on populism, a deviant form of representative democracy. Much ink has been spilled to define populism and to identify the causes of its rise and continued success in democratic political system. However, little is known about populist attitudes of individual voters. Using a large-scale online survey fielded in the context of the South Korean presidential election in 2017, this study examines (1) what determines populist attitudes of South Korean voters and (2) how populist attitudes are associated with evaluations of political parties, candidates, and political issues. Statistical analysis reveals that people high on populism are more likely to support an underdog left-wing political party and its presidential candidate, and are less likely to support policies implemented or proposed under the auspices of the Park Geun-hye administration. These findings do not necessarily suggest the inherent affinity between populism and left-wing ideology; rather, it implies populist attitudes happened to appear in 2017, in reactions to lack of confidence in the previous government.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.3 no.4
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• pp.176-197
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• 2016

Despite being a key concept of International Relations theory, there is no consensus about what the national interest is. It is almost impossible for political leaders of democratic states to make a crucial decision in foreign policies when considering only the national interest without public support. Rather, we are unable to imagine the national interest without public opinion. In general, international crises galvanize people who held different opinions and unify social cleavages, such as secular-religious identities, into a nation that acts in its national interest. The author proposes a method to operationalize the key concept and describes a relationship between the national interest and religious identities in a democratic state. The selected case is the state of Israel. It is believed that Israel is a good example to think about the association between foreign affairs and political attitudes since it is characterized as a socio-religious divided society and has often waged war against Arab military forces.

• International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.25-30
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• 2016

User-generated content (UGC) satirizing the presidential candidates was widespread during the 2016 election in Taiwan. Using an experimental design, this study explored the predictors of viewer agreement to satirical UGC, and its influence on viewer attitudes towards candidates after watching the satirical videos from YouTube. Results showed that participants' agreement with the satirical UGC was predicted by their political cynicism and political information efficacy, but not by candidate favorability. Watching the UGC satirizing the presidential candidates effected the favorability toward the male candidates but not the female candidate. In addition, the evidence suggested that the frequency of exposure to satirical UGC is related to political information efficacy, but not with political cynicism or candidate favorability.