• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.36 no.6
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• pp.511-525
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• 2003

The Okcheon Group in the southwestern part of the Okcheon Metamorphic Belt is subdivided into two distinct tectonostratigraphic units: the Boeun unit in the south and the Pibanryeong unit in the north. The Boeun unit consists of petites, psammites, carbonaceous petites, limestones and pebble-bearing quartzites. The Pibanryeong unit is composed of petites, well-sorted fine-grained psammites, carbonaceous psammites and quartzites. In order to outlining stratigraphy and depositional environments of the Okcheon Group, detailed stratigraphic sections were measured in three locations; one section(Gosan section) of the Boeun unit and two sections(Sorungjae and Hwangryeongzae sections) of the Pibanryeong unit. The Gosan section of the Boeun unit is interpreted to be deposited in the shallow marine environments, whereas the Sorungjae and Hwangryeonaiae sections of the Pibanryeong unit appear to be deposited in slope and deep basin environments. This result indicates rapid subsidence between deposition of the Boeun and Pibanryeong units in sedimentary environment. The trace of sedimentological environments in the Hwasan area was investigated by geochemical analysis of 109 metapelitic and psammitic rock samples. Distinct chemical variations of politic and psammitic rocks from the Boeun and Pibanryeong units in the study area are evident from plots of major elements and $A1_2O_3$/$SiO_2$ versus Basicity Index($Fe_2O_3{＋}MgO$)/($SiO_2{＋}K_2O{＋}Na_2O$). The rocks show a progressive chemical trend from the Boeun unit to the Pibanryeong unit on these diagrams. They in the southern sector of the Boeun unit display lower values and a comparatively wide range of $A1_2O_3$/$SiO_2$ and Basicity Index, as compared with those from the northern sector of the Boeun and Pibanryeong units. The southern sector of the Pibanryeong unit including narrow staurolite-bearing zone is characterized by values that are transitional between the Boeun and Pibanryeong units. These data, combined with depositional environment progressively deepened towards the northwest, support a half-graben model for the Okcheon basin, as proposed by Cluzel et al.(1990)

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.420-437
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• 1994

The starting point of the research is the relation between capital restructuring and urban restructuring. The economic restructuring, which has been caused by the economic crisis in the early 1970s in the United States has brought a spatial restructuring at different geographic scales. The degree of the success of urban restructuring is contingent to the local economic and political environments. The local contingent factor such as local politics should not be neglected for investigating the restructuring process. Through the case study of Chicago, the research provides two inconsistencies in applying the structural approach to the local level: first, the lack of the theoretical link between crisis and restructuring; and second, the crucial importance of local politics in shaping urban development.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.45
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• pp.263-289
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• 2014

King Munjong(文宗), the eleventh King of the Goryeo Dynasty, was the son of King Hyeonjong(顯宗), the eighth king, and the younger stepbrother(異母弟) of King Jeongjong(靖宗), the 10th king. Although King Jeongjong had four sons, he abdicated the throne to King Munjong. King Taejo(太祖) had opened the possibility for sons other than the eldest son to succeed to the throne. When King Jeongjong died, his sons were children under the age of 10 years. In the early period of the Goryeo Dynasty, when kings had young sons, there were precedents of abdicating the throne to their grown-up younger brothers. In addition, King Jeongjong and Munjong had an identical blood background. During the period, Goryeo people also naturally accepted the fact that a former king's younger brother succeeded to the throne. In this background, King Munjong ascended the throne. However, King Munjong did not ascend the throne after identifying state affairs with politic power. Therefore, he needed to increase his authority as the king. Moreover, as the sons of King Jeongjong had grown up, they could stir up trouble in future succession to the throne. Therefore, King Munjong intended to concentrate power on himself and remove trouble in future succession to the throne by selecting his son as successor to the throne. After the installation of Wangtaeja(王太子, the Crown Prince), King Munjong expanded and organized Donggunggwan(東宮官, the establishment of Secretariat of Wangtaeja) and carried out various rituals related to Wangtaeja. The control system for Donggunggwan was completed institutionally in 1068. At this time, the newly organized Donggunggwan was operated as a miniature version of the central government office. In addition, the ritual for the installation of Taeja, which was held in 1054, complied with regulated procedures. After the ritual of the installation, a ceremony to congratulate on Jangheungjeol(長興節, the birthday of Wangtaeja) was held in 1056. In 1064, the wedding ritual of Taeja took place, and the ritual for Taeja regulated in Yeji(禮志) of "Goryeosa(高麗史)" was carried out. In addition, the installation of Wangtaeja was made known overseas, and the Taeja of Goryeo was proclaimed by the Kitan three times. Such various measures played an important role in strengthening the status of Taeja as the man of authority next to the king. Later, Taeja demonstrated his status as the man of authority following the king by participating in state affairs on behalf of King Munjong who was not able to move about freely in his later years.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.48
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• pp.361-389
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• 2017

This essay examines 'precarity politics' by Judith Butler, a well-known gender theorist and queer philosopher, in Notes Towards a Performative Theory of Assembly (2015) focused on concepts as unchosen cohabitation of Hannah Arendt and unwilled proximity of Emmanuel Levinas. Butler's precarity politics is the condition of our dispossessed political beings with fundamental vulnerability and interdependency that cannot choose with whom we will live on this Earth. Butler's political ethics is twofold: on one hand, she examines significance of 'action'' the most significant vita activa in the public area, and 'plurality'' the condition-not only the necessary condition but the possible condition-for a political life suggested by Hannah Arendt in Human Condition; on the other hand, Butler reflects upon global precarity based on a diasporic precarious life in the social world towards freedom and equality. Unchosen cohabitation of plural humans on Earth, and global pervasion of precarity, that indicates "politically induced condition in which certain populations suffer from failing social and economic networks of support and become differentially exposed to injury, violence, and death," so called "differential distribution of precariousness," are practical possibilities of ethical and equal cohabitation of different ethnic groups in the social world. Ethical obligations or ethical demand to respond to others' suffering in distance and proximity originated from precarity politics, mentioned in Precarious Life, Parting Ways, and Frames of War, could be non-foundational joint of plural people living together globally. We should presume the 'reversibility' of distance and proximity in others' suffering, based on responsiveness and responsibility of others, if we want to stay attuned to the pain of others we never chose to live together. That is the significance of Butler's 'precarity politics' with 'ethical obligation' to accept 'unchosen plurality' of living population on Earth, and 'reversibility between of distance and proximity,' in her 'new plural and embodied body politics' or 'new corporeal ontology', through human primary vulnerability, fundamental interdependency, being exposed and responsive to suffering of others.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.253-277
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• 2015

The purpose of this study was to identify work-family balance values(work-family centrality, marriage value, child-care value, work value etc) in Korea, Japan and U. K.. Moreover, This article investigated the attitudinal generational gap in each countries. Participants were 311 Korean, 324 Japanese and 322 English married working women, who were in the thirties fifties. The major findings of this study were as follows. Compared to Japan and U. K., Korean married working women were more work-centered and likely to seek for extrinsic work value as well as intrinsic work value. While they were highly thought that a woman should work despite of her marriage, it was also strongly concerned if their work negatively affected family life, they should be better to quit their job. These results showed that conservative-liberal values were coexisted in Korean participants. Secondly, U. K. participants were more centered on the family-oriented value and thought that women were not necessary to work in work-family conflict, in comparison to Korean and Japanese. As a result of cluster analysis, they were a lot distributed in 'woman's family care oriented group' which was weigh on woman's role as a family care giver as well as 'family value oriented group'. Thirdly, Japan participants not only were less family-centered but also less work-centered. In the similar vein, they were less motivated and oriented to all of intrinsic and extrinsic work values compared with participants in Koran and U. K. On the other hand, Japanese participants, in sharp contrast to Korean, had a liberal viewpoint in work-family related values, such as woman's work, career break caused by work-family conflict, and family values. We were trying to interpret these results in consideration of socio-economic-politic as well as psychological aspects.

• Issues in Feminism
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.149-206
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• 2018

This essay is focused on finding women's voice in oral narratives of social memory of national violence and resistance. The books of oral narratives of women who had experienced the national violence and participated in the resistance through historic events such as 5.18, have been published recently. This study is based on the materials that have interviewed women experienced the historic event '5.18' in Gwangju. In this study, there are analyses of the materials of the memory of violence and resistance of '5.18', which have contained the texts written by intellectual males and the oral narratives of females directly involved. So far, the memory and experience of women have not been presented in its entirety in the field of social discourse of '5.18'. In the field women's words were translated in men's words, so the real words disappeared and in the end remained unspoken words. And besides, the existence of women are substituted with the limited images (for example women's body destroyed) presented by men's words in memorial materials. In narratives of '5.18', women are reduced to the images of bodies destroyed by national violence. The destroyed bodies are places for exhibition and disclosure of national violence. Women are not presented as the subjects of the social resistance in oral or written narratives of '5.18'. The images of females are only vehicles to urge the male subjects to resist against unjust violence. In this context, men are interpreted for the protectors of sisters, daughters, wives. Since 1980s, the symbol of '5.18 Gwangju' has represented the most ideal community in Korean society. But women have been on the borderline or outside of the community in fact. However, women intend to construct themselves as the subjects of resistance through the spoken words. They have tried to make the politic places for themselves in the social field by speaking and speaking constantly. The desire to speak out is becoming stronger for women, so these days more words are spoken by more women and more oral narratives made by women are revealed in social discoursive field. So the place for women's voice is expanding in social memorial field of '5.18'.

• Korean Business Review
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.137-170
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• 2008

This study is presenting the logistics strategy in the international logistics markets which makes competition and corporation among north-east Asian countries to establishing the multi-pass Eurasian railroads. The countries located in north-east area of Eurasia like China, Japan, Russia and Korea are paying higher costs and disutility to the transportations and communications due to repeated conflicts and confrontations causes from the politic problems. They are being used surface transportation for most of all logistics between Europe and Asia except special merchandises because of characteristic of cargo to be air, the Silk Road remains vestige only which was main logistic passage to this area since BC. So far the Trans-Siberian Railway is being used by Russia mostly as north of Eurasian transport because of difficulties of service. The Trans-China Railway built in 1992 is not accomplishing as a international logistic passages. It is expected to take a long lead time because of characteristic of resource development and poor logistic infrastructure to the countries like Uzbekistan, double landlocked country, Mongolia and Azerbaijan, the countries do not be adjacent to the sea, even they have great economic jump-up plans through the development of their own resources. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO) start to sail officially in 2001 is constructed with China, Russia, Tadzhikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan as regular members of 6 countries and Mongolia, India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran as observers 5 countries. It is started as a military alliance to protect terror, but now, it is expended to cooperate with the traffic, transportation, trade and share of energies. The Russia is doing their best to activate TSR as a government target to developnorth area equivalently, and economic develop of far-east Siberia. And also it is agreed provisionally to improve and repair of rail road between Nahjin and Hassan to connect TSR and TKR( Trans-Korea Railroad) by Russia, North Korea and South Korea with Russian's aggressive efforts. The development plan of this area is over lapped with GTI(Greater Tumen Initiative) promoted by UNDP, and is a cooperated project by 5 countries of South Korea, Mongolia, China, Russia and North Korea, subject to review the appropriation of energy, tour, environment, rail road connection between Mongolia and China and establishing a ferry route to north-east Asia. It is Japanese situation to pay attention to Russia and China even they have been supplying large-scope of infrastructure in Mongol area without any charges, target to get East Asia Main Rail Road to connect Mongolia and Zalubino of Russia. In case of the program for the Denuclearization of North Korea is not creeping, it will be accelerated to connect the TKR and TSR, TKR and TCR by somehow attending United States, including developing program promoted by UN ESCAP. As the result, Korean peninsular will continue the central role of competition and cooperation as in the past, now and future of north-east Asia, as of geographical-economics and geographical-politics whether it is requested or not wanted by neighbor countries.