• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.16-33
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• 2012

Maehwa blossom(梅花) has been favoured in literary and artistic works in the East Asia as one of representing symbols of virtuous men's character. Maehwaseookdo(梅花書屋圖) is one of major forms of painting. This paper starts from the birth of Maehwaseookdo since it aims to examine the following points: its structural origin of the Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) style; how this style was distributed in Korea; process and features of Maegamdo(梅龕圖). The current academic world admits Maehwaseookdo is originated from an ancient story of Lim Po(林逋). Even though Maehwaseookdo and Lim Po story can be linked to a meaning of schoarly hermitage, ways to structure works are hard to compare paintings based on Lim Po story. While paintings related to Limpo story such as Banghakdo(放鶴圖) and Gwanmaedo(觀梅圖) depict a scholar(s) and a few Maehwa trees with cranes, Maehwaseookdo presents scholarly hermitage with a lot of Maehwa trees which encircle a house building. As other paintings related to Maehwa blossom were widely painted since the nationwide popularity of the theme of Maehwa, Maehwaseookdo was not drown throughout the whole period of time. Since Goryeo, Maehwa paintings including Sehansamu(歲寒三友), ordinary Maehwado as one of the Four Gentlemen's plants, and Tammaedo(探梅圖) which was based on ancient anecdote of Maeng Hoyeon. Maehwaseookdo, however, was created exclusively in the 19th century. In China a similar feature took place much earlier period which was in the 17th century. Accordingly we can assume that these patterns which paintings in particular styles were generated by particular cultural phenomena. The reason why Joseon's Maehwaseookdo works were painted exclusively in the 19th century was that Kim Jeonghee's party and Sin wi had acquaintanceship with Jang Sim(張深) who got work orders for Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁). In these corresponding activities, two types of Maehwa paintings were exchanged. In China, scholars usually drew paintings in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) depicting scenic views of Guriju(九里洲) which was riverside area under the Mt. Buchun(富春山). This place surrounded by thousands and hundreds of Maehwa trees was where Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁) was about to retire to hermitage in. In this repect, Joseon scholars painted Maegamdo(梅龕圖) depicting a scene of a shrine with Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁)'s poetry books surrounded by Maehwa trees for paying tribute to the wall of Maehwa trees(Maebyeok(梅癖)). This seems to adapt the format of 'Manmae(萬梅)' which appeared in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado. One of the representing works of this, is painted or supervised by Sinwi. Paintings in two types with respective meanings were combined by which was estimated to be painted by Sin Wi, then it became a structural base of by Jang Sim(張深) This type of Maegamdo brought the popularity of Maewhoseookdo which once had another name of 'Manmaeseookdo(萬梅書屋圖)' by a group of scholars such as Jo Heeyong, in the 19th century. All things considered, this paper can be a sort of precedent phrase to find out the birth of Manmaeseookdo which was very popular in the late 19th century.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.265-291
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• 2014

Cheongeumrok is the journal of Gwonwoo(卷宇) Hong Chan-yu(1915-2005) during the period of January 9, 1969~January 14, 1982. He was personally involved in the foundation of a corporation called Yudohoi and also all of its operation, which makes him the most knowledgeable person about its history. His Cheongeumrok thus seems worthy enough as a proper material to arrange its history. Cheongeumrok consists of total 19 books, amounting to approximately 3,300 pieces of squared manuscript paper containing 200 letters per piece. He wrote it in Chinese and sometimes followed the Hangul-style word order while writing in Chinese. Many parts of the manuscript were written in a cursive hand with many Chinese poems embedded throughout it. The manuscript offers major information related to the corporation Yudohoi extracted from his journal. 1. There was a meeting of promoters to commemorate the foundation of the corporation in November, 1968, and it was in January, 1969 that it was established after getting a permit from the Ministry of Culture and Communication in January, 1969(Permit No. of Ministry of Culture and Communication: Da(다)-2-3(Jongmu(宗務)1732.5)). 2. Its office was moved from the original location of the 3rd floor of Wonnam Building, 133-1 Wonnam-dong, Jongro-gu, Seoul(currently Daekhak Pharmacy in front of Seoul National University Hospital) to Room 388 of Gwangjang Company, 4 Yeji-dong, Jongro-gu(office of Heungsan Social Gathering) and to second floor of KyungBo building, 21 Kyansu-dong, and to 3rd floor of Geongguk Building in Gyeongwoon-dong. 3. Its operational costs were covered by the supports of Seong Sang-yeong, the eldest son of Seong Jong-ho, the chairman of the board, later Kim Won-tae and Gwon Tae-hun, next chairmen of the board, and Hong Chan-yun, a director, since 1979. 4. His Confucian activities include participating in Seonggyungwan Seokjeonje (成均館 釋奠), joining in the erection of the Parijangseo(巴里長書) Monument and the publication of its commemorative poetry book, compiling the biographies(not completed) of Confucian patriotic martyrs for independence, and participating in the establishment of family rituals and regulations as a practice member. 5. His Yudohoi had a dispute with Seonggyungwan and lost a suit at the High Court in July, 1975 and Supreme Court in February, 1976. 6. There were discussions about its unification with Seonggyungwan Yudohoi, but there was hardly any progress. 7. Yudohoi started to provide full-scale courses on Confucian and Chinese classics under the leadership of Director Hong Chan-yu in 1979, and they have continued on today. Its courses for scholarship students including those for common citizens boast a history of 29 years and 220 graduates.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.227-234
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• 2022

Seok Jeon Hwang Wook (18913~1999), a descendant of a traditional literary writer in the western part of Honam, did not join the flow of modern and contemporary calligraphy and painting. And throughout his life, he enjoyed himself without losing the appearance of a scholar, immersed himself in traditional calligraphy, and gained spotlight at his late age for his original hand grabbing calligraphy. Immediately after the Korean War, all of his property was lost due to his two sons' left-wing activities, causing great pain at home. Even in the most painful and difficult time in human history, he relied on brushes, poetry, and gayageum to keep his upright scholarly spirit and national love. And beyond the pleasures of the worldly senses, he played with self-satisfaction in the 'true pleasure(大樂)' without greed. In the course of his studies, he focused on honing the fonts of Wang Hui-ji, Gu Yang-sun, An Jin-gyeong, Jo Maeng-bu, and Xin-wi and Lee Sam-man without a special teacher. In particular, he faced a crisis of having to give up his brush due to tremor that came after his 60th birthday, but he showed a strong will. He transformed it into a new style of art, such as developing hand grabbing calligraphy(握筆法) with a strong and strong energy that no one could match. From 1965 to 1983, 'right hand grabbing calligraphy' was used, and from 1984 to 1993, 'left hand grabbing calligraphy' was used. She made her name as a calligrapher widely known in 1973 (age 76) with her first solo exhibition, The Calligraphy Exhibition commemorating her 60th wedding anniversary. His writing method is naturally rough and sloppy by breaking away from the previous calligraphy methods and artificial technique, and is unfamiliar yet full of muscle. And the calm, strong and rough chuhoegsa(錐劃沙) and the heavy yet majestic ininni(印印泥) individual handwriting expressed a strange feeling and achieved original Seokjeon calligraphy that went beyond the existing calligraphy writing methods, and his indomitable calligraphy spirit was As a unique existence in the history of calligraphy, he still remains as a model.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.78-97
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• 2016

The objectives of this study are to examine the context of the establishment of Suhoe Gugok, Byeokgye Gugok Vally, and Nosan Palkyung, which have been established in Seojong-myeon of Yangpyeong-gun, by literature review and site investigations, and to determine the sceneries of Byeokgye scenic site as enjoyed and managed during the period of Hwaseo Lee, Hang-ro(華西 李恒老). The results of the study are as follows. First, Byeokgye Gugok Vally(黃蘗九曲) and Nosan Palkyung(蘆山八景), which have been established after the period of Hwaseo and theorized to have been established around key scenic areas associated with Hwaseo's activities, the analysis results showed that they were collecting sceneries of modern times. The extensive overlap between Byeokgye Gugok Vally and concentrated scenic elements of Suhoe Gugok(水回九曲), and the artificial configuration from the end point of Suhoe Gugok to the beginning point of Nosan Palkyung, reveal the pattern of space conflict and hegemony between Byeokgyes of Suip-ri and Nomun-ri. This is likely to be caused by the conflict between the historicity of the group that enjoyed Byeokgye prior to Hwaso's period and the strong territoriality of the space filled with the image of Hwaseo. Second, Byeokgye Gugok Vally was the secondary spatial system created by selecting the most scenic sites in Suip-ri while expanding the area of Nosan Palkyung. After establishment of Byeokgye Gugok Vally, the spatial identity of the entire Byeokgyecheon area was effectively established. This was a "Hwaseo-oriented" move, including the complete exclusion of the scenic sites from the pre-Hwaseo period such as Cheongseo Gujang and Suhoe Gugok's Letters Carved on the Rock. Consequently, the entire Byeokgyecheon area was reorganized into a cultural scenic site with Heoseo's influence. Third, Fifth, creations of Gugok(九曲) to determine the lineage of the Hwaseo School from Juja(朱子) to Yulgok(栗谷) to Uam(尤庵) to Hwaseo is likely to be an opportunity of birth and external motivation of the establishment of new Gugok Palkyung. In other words, Nosan Palkyung and Byeokgye Gugok Vally are likely to have been created as a reaction to the change of the center of the Hwaseo School to Okgyedong, and with strategic orientation based on the motivation and needs such as creation of the connecting space between Mui Gugok, Gosan Gugok, and Okgye Gugok, and the elevation of Hwaseo's status. Fourth, from the Hwaseo's Li-centric point of view, all revered sites in Beokwon(蘗園) that he managed existed as the spatial creative work to experience the existence of "li" through the objects in the landscape and the boundary of the spirit of emptiness of the aesthetic self. This clearly shows how Byeokgye Gugok Vally or Nosan Palkyung must be defined, and furthermore, appreciated and approached, prior to discussing it as the space associated with Hwaseo. Fifth, Nosan Palkyung was composed of cultural scenic landscapes of Gokjungkyung(曲中景) with eight scenic sites where Hwaseo gave his teachings and spend time around, in the Byeokgye of Nomun-ri area of Byeokgye Gugok Vally. The sceneries is, however, collected by depending on Hwaseo's Letters Carved on the Rock and poetry. Consequently, an inner exuberance of Nosan Palkyung is satisfied beside Byeokgye Gugok Vally, but its conceptual adequacy leaves room for questions.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2018

Seo Byeong-o (徐丙五, 1862-1936) played a central role in the formation of the Daegu artistic community-which advocated artistic styles combining poetry, calligraphy and painting-during the Japanese colonial period, when the introduction of the Western concept of 'art' led to the adoption of Japanese and Western styles of painting in Korea. Seo first entered the world of calligraphy and painting after meeting Lee Ha-eung (李昰應, 1820-1898) in 1879, but his career as a scholar-artist only began in earnest after Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910. Seo's oeuvre can be broadly divided into three periods. In his initial period of learning, from 1879 to 1897, his artistic activity was largely confined to copying works from Chinese painting albums and painting works in the "Four Gentlemen" genre, influenced by the work of Lee Ha-eung, in his spare time. This may have been because Seo's principal aim at this time was to further his career as a government official. His subsequent period of development, which lasted from 1898 until 1920, saw him play a leading social role in such areas as the patriotic enlightenment movement until 1910, after which he reoriented his life to become a scholar-artist. During this period, Seo explored new styles based on the orchid paintings of Min Yeong-ik (閔泳翊, 1860-1914), whom he met during his second trip to Shanghai, and on the bamboo paintings of Chinese artist Pu Hua (蒲華, 1830-1911). At the same time, he painted in various genres including landscapes, flowers, and gimyeong jeolji (器皿折枝; still life with vessels and flowers). In his final mature period, from 1921 to 1936, Seo divided his time between Daegu and Seoul, becoming a highly active calligrapher and painter in Korea's modern art community. By this time his unique personal style, characterized by broad brush strokes and the use of abundant ink in orchid and bamboo paintings, was fully formed. Records on, and extant works from, Seo's early period are particularly rare, thus confining knowledge of his artistic activities and painting style largely to the realm of speculation. In this respect, eleven recently revealed nanjukseok (蘭竹石圖; orchid, bamboo and rock) paintings, produced by Seo in 1889, provide important clues about the origins and standards of his early-period painting style. This study uses a comparative analysis to confirm that Seo's orchid paintings show the influence of the early gunran (群蘭圖; orchid) and seongnan (石蘭圖; rock and orchid) paintings produced by Lee Ha-eung before his arrest by Qing troops in July 1882. Seo's bamboo paintings appear to show both that he adopted the style of Zheng Xie (鄭燮, 1693-1765) of the Yangzhou School (揚州畵派), a style widely known in Seoul from the late eighteenth century onward, and of Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a student of Joseon artist Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜,1786-1856), and that he attempted to apply a modified version of Lee Ha-eung's seongnan painting technique. It was not possible to find other works by Seo evincing a direct relationship with the curious rocks depicted in his 1889 paintings, but I contend that they show the influence of both the late-nineteenth-century-Qing rock painter Zhou Tang (周棠, 1806-1876) and the curious rock paintings of the middle-class Joseon artist Jeong Hak-gyo (丁學敎, 1832-1914). In conclusion, this study asserts that, for his 1889 nanjukseok paintings, Seo Byeong-o adopted the styles of contemporary painters such as Heo Ryeon and Jeong Hak-gyo, whom he met during his early period at the Unhyeongung through his connection with its occupant, Lee Ha-eung, and those of artists such as Zheng Xie and Zhou Tang, whose works he was able to directly observe in Korea.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.