• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.39-63
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• 2009

Retrospecting the past 60 years of interactions between the executive and the legislature in Korea, it is found that the Korean National Assembly is neither a minimal legislature nor a marginal legislature any more. The symbolic role of the Assembly has acquired a remarkable growth and profound strength and there is no need to worry about institutional viability any further. However, its role as a resolver or manager of social conflicts is still under the dominance of the executive and shows even an indication that it might be worsened. Such incapability of the legislature owed much to the vertical control from the outside especially during the authoritarian regimes, however, nowadays it owes much to the inability of consensus building among the out-bursting controversial and horizontal opinions inside of it. Not sufficient managerial capability required for exercising autonomous decision making power efficiently is a major detrimental factor. It traces back to the inability of party politics and demassifying political leadership. Normalization of party politics is identified as one of the essential prerequisites for Korean political development in this regard.

• Lettere Italiane
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• no.57
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• pp.1-38
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• 2019

이탈리아의 전진이탈리아, 북부동맹, 오성운동당의 유럽회의주의는 이탈리아의 국내정치의 내부적 대립과 경쟁의 결과로 이해할 수 있다. 이들 세 정당들이 취한 유럽회의주의적 입장은 이탈리아 정치지형변화의 특수성에 기인하여 제한적으로 표출되었다. 이탈리아의 정부형성은 대단히 포괄적인 거대 연맹(coalision)의 형태로 이루어져 왔고, 각기 다른시대에 정부의 책임을 공유하였다. 이는 정당들의 유럽회의적인 실질적인 표현에 제한성으로 작용하였음은 분명해 보인다. 또한 전후 이탈리아의 정치 체계속에서 등장한 정당들은 극심한 분열과 대립의 구도속에서 반대정치세력에 대한 견제에 집중한 정치전략을 필요로 했다. 이들 정당은 당의 창설 초기부터 유럽회의적 사안을 주요한 정치적 이슈로 부각하지 않았다. 오히려, 초기집권동안 전진이탈리아의 정치기조는 친유럽적인 성향을 띤 것이었다. 정당은 긴축재정과 이민급증의 경제, 사회문제에 직면하여 유럽회의적으로 전환한 공공담론을 인식하면서, 선거지지를 확보하기 위한 포괄적 정치전략으로 반유럽통합 담론을 부각시켰다. 같은 맥락으로 북부동맹의 초반 정치기조는 연방주의 형성을 위한 유럽통합에 동조하는 입장이었지만, 정당의 주변화와 정치지지 하락에 직면하여 정당 회생을 위한 대안으로 유럽회의적 정치 입장으로의 전향을 시도하였다. 오성운동당 역시, 반유럽적 사안은 국내의 정치적 대립속에서 정당의 합리성을 강화하기 위한 전략으로 채택된 것이었다. 한편, 자국의 경제이익과 정체성 보존 및 사회질서를 위해 타인종을 배격하고 반유럽을 주장하는 우파 포퓰리즘 정당과 극우정당이 대중의 공감을 획득하고 이탈리아 의회내의 입지가 강화되는 현상은 이탈리아의 정당체계에서 유럽회의주의의 점증 변수로 작용될 여지로 이해된다. 이에 따라 이탈리아 유럽회의주의 전당의 정치전략적 변화는 향후 유럽통합의 방향성에 따라 매우 유동적으로 전개될 가능성이 엿보이며, 이에 대한 다양한 연구적 질문과 분석이 이루어져야 할 것으로 사료된다.

• The Journal of Learner-Centered Curriculum and Instruction (JLCCI)
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.139-170
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• 2018

The Moon Jae-In government's nuclear phase-out policy, on the one hand, has significance in that it has for the first time put the brakes on the nuclear expansion policy and has escaped from the inertia of existing policies. On the other hand, however, since the ethical basis of the nuclear phase-out has not been clearly defined as policy norms, it faces the contradiction between the nuclear phase-out domestically and the export promotion of nuclear power plants. Furthermore the nuclear phase-out policy remains ambiguous and politically irresponsible in that there is no political vision for the energy transition or nuclear phase-out time; and the nuclear phase-out policies have not been enacted yet. This paper considered that these kinds of problems have stemmed from the absence of nuclear politics and analyzed its causes and effects. In this paper the causes of the absence of nuclear politics were identified in the characteristics of the Korean developmental state model and administrative bureaucrats' planning; and its effects were qualitatively analysed through the National Assembly members' statements expressed on the minutes of the relevant National Assembly Standing Committees. The result of the analysis indicates that the lack of nuclear power politics led to the failure of the legislature to control the nuclear administration and led to irresponsible politics especially in the nuclear back-end management. Therefore this research emphasized the necessity of responsible intervention of party politics in the nuclear policy and suggested the policy norms for the nuclear phase-out based on the concepts of Max Weber 's the ethics of conviction (Gesinnungsethik) and the ethics of responsibility (Verantwortungsethik).

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.179-209
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• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.180-196
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• 2020

This paper considers Japanese political interviews to integrate conversation and facial expression analysis. The behaviors of political leaders will be disclosed by analyzing questions and responses by using the turn-taking system in conversation analysis. Additionally, audiences who cannot understand verbal expressions alone will understand the psychology of political leaders by analyzing their facial expressions. Integral analyses promote understanding of the types of facial and verbal expressions of politicians and their effect on public opinion. Politicians have unique techniques to convince people. If people do not know these techniques and ways of various expressions, they will become confused, and politics may fall into populism as a result. To avoid this, a complete understanding of verbal and non-verbal behaviors is needed. This paper presents two analyses. The first analysis is a qualitative analysis that deals with Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and shows that differences between words and happy facial expressions occur. That result indicates that Abe expresses disgusted facial expressions when faced with the same question from an interviewer. The second is a quantitative multiple regression analysis where the dependent variables are six facial expressions: happy, sad, angry, surprised, scared, and disgusted. The independent variable is when politicians have a threat to face. Political interviews that directly inform audiences are used as a tool by politicians. Those interviews play an important role in modelling public opinion. The audience watches political interviews, and these mold support to the party. Watching political interviews contributes to the decision to support the political party when they vote in a coming election.

• Journal of the Korean Data and Information Science Society
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.289-301
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• 2013

We analyze respondents' reaction to Obama's advertisement, titled 'Fix the Economy'. These respondents are divided into three groups of democratic party, republican party and independent group. By manipulating the skin complexion of the Obama photo, participants were either exposed to the dark or light version of the Obama photograph. In order to obtain decorrelated stationary data, we have applied the discrete Fourier transform to each curve and then we have applied Fan (1998)'s adaptive Neyman test to the discrete Fourier transformed data. As a result, a significant difference is found out only in the independent group.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.7 no.5
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• pp.9-18
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• 2020

The research paper examines the influence of elections on the stock market. The study analyses whether the market reaction would be the same when a party wins and comes to power for the second consecutive time. The study employs Market Model Event study methodology. The sample period taken for the study is 2014 to 2019. A sample of 31 companies listed in Bombay Stock Exchange is selected at random for the purpose of the study. For the elections held in 2014, an event window of 82 days was taken with 39 days prior to the event and 42 days post event. The event (t0) being the declaration of the election results. For the elections held in 2019 an event window of 83 days was taken with 41 days prior to the event and 41 days post event. The results indicate that the market reacts positively with significantly positive Average Abnormal Returns. The findings of the study reveal that the impact on the market is not the same between any two elections even when the same party comes to power for the second time. The semi-strong form of efficient market hypothesis holds true in the context of emerging markets like India.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.549-566
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• 2008

This study examines the effect of social conservative values that have risen as an important factor in American politics. Focusing on the abortion issue, it discusses how the abortion issue has affected American voters' issue and party preferences and their ideological orientations. The empirical results demonstrate that the abortion issue has contributed to reinforce the existing ideological and partisan divisions, although it has not realigned them. As a consequence, the abortion issue has become a significant determinant for vote choice since 1980s. Particularly in 1990s, when the polarization among the political elites became clear, the political effect of the abortion issue appears to be more evident.

• Journal of Information Science Theory and Practice
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.68-78
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• 2021

Political weblogs are as diverse as political viewpoints are. In the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, several political crises occurred, such as opposition to the Amnesty Act, the constitutional amendment, and the anti-government protests. Remarkably, during this time, social media were used as a platform for political expressions. This study employed a content analysis method to explore twenty-nine Thai political weblogs established during the period of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's administration. At the time, the most prominent Thai political weblogger was Nidhi Eawsriwong. Not surprisingly, the Pheu Thai Party and the Democrat Party were the most frequently appearing political parties in these weblog's posts. Most contents in these posts were related to government protesters by the People's Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the coup d'état. The purposes of writing such weblogs were to express feelings and thoughts about Thai politics and to provide political information to the general public. The findings from this investigation revealed two significant uses of Thai political weblogs: the communication media for political expressions and viewpoints (a safe online space for political engagement and participation), and vital sources for Thai political information and news (social narratives).

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-44
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• 2013

This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.