• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.119-151
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• 2018

This paper is a study of the historical significance of The water and land ceremony performed by Bongeunsa temple in the Joseon Dynasty. The Bongeunsa temple was originally a hermitage named Geungseongam, which was located in the Hakdang-dong, Gwangju County, Gyeonggi Province. After that, Geungseongam was named as Geungseongsa temple. Geungseongsa temple was left in that position and acted as the Temples belonging to Royal Tombs(陵寢寺, TRT) of the King Sungjong, later the name of the temple was changed to Bongeunsa Temple. As a result of movement of the royal tomb of the Joongjong(靖陵) next to the royal tomb of Sungjong, the Bongeunsa was also used as a TRT of the Seonjeongneung royal tomb. After that, the grandson of the King Joongjong, crown prince Soonhoe early passed away, Buddhist shrine (願堂) was set in Bongeunsa temple. Bongeunsa temple remained as a royal prayer place, serving as a Buddhist shrine for crown prince Soonhoe and serving as a Jopo temples for Seonjeongneung royal tomb until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. From the time when it was called Geungseongam to the time after when it was renamed as Bongeunsa Temple, this temple performed The water and land ceremony. But the characters changed little by little. From the King Sejo to King Sungjong, The water and land ceremony characterized Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for prince Gwangpyeong, King Sejong, Queen Soehan and served as the Buddhist memorial praying for the well being of the royal family and people. From the time of the King Yonsan to the time of King Myeongjong, The water and land ceremony had strong characters for Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for King. In the late Joseon Dynasty, Bongeunsa Temple served as the royal party of The water and land ceremony. On the other hand, after the Manchu war of 1636, Bongeunsa Temple also served as the national water and land ceremony for the victims who were killed in the mountains of Namhan. In the Joseon dynasty, The water and land ceremony performed by Bongeunsa Temple was strongly directed for Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for royal family members, and Bongeunsa Temple was maintained as a royal prayer throughout the Joseon Dynasty.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.95-129
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• 2017

This study surveys and reviews political change, economic performance, and regional cooperation that were carried out in 2016 by Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN. This paper reports that what has followed the inauguration of new governments in Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Laos fails to live up to the expectation and optimism that arose in the aftermath of elections and party congresses that took place in the first half of the year. In other countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, where authoritarian regimes are faced with strong oppositions, the prospects for democratic change worsened to a substantial degree, as schisms and internal strives complicated the opposition camp as a result of instigation and intervention by the authoritarian leaders and their followers. In stable political systems, both democratic and authoritarian, no significant changes that may entail serious political implications were noticed. In 2016, the national economy of almost each and every country continued its slow but steady recovery that had started in 2014 and grew by 5% on the average. For 2017 onward, however, the earlier optimism that it would grow at least as fast dimmed down as uncertainty about the world economy looms larger due to the unexpected win by Donald Trump as U.S. president and the expected 'hard landing' of the Chinese economy around 2018. ASEAN declared the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) only one day before the New Year, but its track record looked already bad and unpromising by the end of 2016. ASEAN leaders were tied up by their domestic politics and affairs too tightly to take time off to work seriously to observe the schedule as laid out in the AEC Blueprint 2025. Korea's relationship with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN was "as good as it gets" in 2016 as ever but could become subject to tough review in the near future, if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is found out to have been implicated in the ongoing Choi Sun Sil scandal and if the opposition wins the next presidential election to be held by this year.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-94
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• 2017

Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.35-73
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• 2017

The aim of this article is to analyze the feature of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society(紅泉社). The leader of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society was Yi Mansu(李晩秀), and the members of that were Yi Naksu(李洛秀), Sin Chin(申縉) Sin Chak(申綽) Sin $Hy{\breve{o}}n$(申絢) Pak Chongu(朴宗羽) $Ch{\breve{o}}ng$ Sukwi(鄭遂龜) $Kw{\breve{o}}n$ Sik(權?) Kim Kyeon(金啓溫). They organized the poetry society at Gi-dae(企臺) of Seoul. The poems of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society were included in "$K{\breve{u}}gw{\breve{o}}n$ yugo(?園遺稿)", a collection of Yi Mansu's works. The $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society was maintained for three years, from 1817 to 1820. The members of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society gathered at Kidae(企臺) and wrote poems together, such as the linked verses(聯句), divisions of rime(分 韻), replying rhyming verses(次韻) and so on. This article especially analyzed the linked verses of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society. The following is a summary of characteristics in the linked verses of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society. First, the members of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society showed their poetic genius by writing the linked verses. They competitively designed unique words and techniques to exhibit their poetic genius. Especially, their poetic genius were exposed in $y{\breve{o}}n^{\prime}gu$(放雲樓聯句)>, modeling <$S{\breve{o}}ngnam$ $y{\breve{o}}n^{\prime}gu$(城南聯句)>'s style. The members of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society had remarkable literary attainments. Second, the members of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society promoted friendship by writing the linked verses. They expressed the pleasure of having a poetry party in the linked verses. Their linked verses are elegance. In addition, their poems are full of the pride as officials. And they were glad that they lived in the happy era. So they extoled the king's virtue in their linked verses.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.60-77
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• 2020

An assumption can be made that, as a start point for the recognition and utilization of cultural heritage, the "choice" of such would reflect the cultural ideology of the ruling power at that time. This has finally been proved by the case of Korea in the 20th century. First, in the late Korean Empire (1901-1910), the prevailing cultural ideology had been inherited from the Joseon Dynasty. The main objects that the Joseon Dynasty tried to protect were royal tombs and archives. During this time, an investigation by the Japanese into Korean historic sites began in earnest. Stung by this, enlightened intellectuals attempted to recognize them as constituting independent cultural heritage, but these attempts failed to be institutionalized. During the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation, the Japanese led investigations to institutionalize Korean cultural heritage, which formed the beginning of the current cultural heritage management system. At that time, the historical investigation, designation, protection, and enhancement activities led by the Japanese Government-General of Korea not only rationalized their colonial occupation of Korea but also illustrated their colonial perspective. Korean nationalists processed the campaign for the love of historical remains on an enlightening level, but they had their limits in that the campaign had been based on the outcome of research planned by the Japanese. During the 1945-2000 period following liberation from Japan, cultural heritage restoration projects took places that were based on nationalist ideology. People intended to consolidate the regime's legitimacy through these projects, and the enactment of the 'Cultural Heritage Charter' in 1997 represented an ideology in itself that stretched beyond a means of promoting nationalist ideology. During the past 20 centuries, cultural heritage content changed depending on the whims of those with political power. Such choices reflected the cultural ideology that the powers at any given time held with regard to cultural heritage. In the background of this cultural heritage choice mechanism, there have been working trade-off relationships formed between terminology and society, as well as the ideological characteristics of collective memories. The ruling party has tried to implant their ideology on their subjects, and we could consider that it wanted to achieve this by being involved in collective memories related to traditional culture, so called-choice, and utilization of cultural heritage.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.15 no.6
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• pp.35-54
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• 2021

This study examines the characteristics of CBS's Kim Hyun-Jung's News Show(hearafter News Show) and the change to transmedia. The distinguishing characteristics of News Show compared to radio-based current affairs programs are as follows. First, despite its time limit, it adopts the form of investigative reports or investigative documentaries to uncover the truth of the events through 'Detective Son Su-Ho', etc. Second, News show's interviews have avoided biased stance in the reporting of minority issues by interviewing the affected parties anonymously including people involved in incidents and accidents, bereaved families, and other victims. News Show has been producing a transmedia content called 'That Honey Show' (a show that reads comments as fun as honey) since November 2018. 'That Honey Show' is broadcast in real time on YouTube right after the News Show radio broadcast ends. As a form of spin-off content, 'That Honey Show' breaks down the boundaries among staff, MCs, and guests, as well as shifting roles by using 'vice characters'. The female host, Kim conducts interviews with the main characters related to various issues and extends the fixed identity of current affairs shows to the everyday politics and cultural realms. Thus she draws active participation and responses audience. This paper analyzes two representative broadcast cases of 'That Honey Show'-first, the case of resistance and activity of the BTS fandom ARMY in the US presidential election, and, second, the case of reporting on the Nth room incident. This analysis considers the critical participation of digital citizens and the effect of fostering a sense of community in the current affairs show in the transmedia era.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.16 no.6
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• pp.17-29
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• 2021

Recently, as social distancing have been raised due to the re-spread of COVID-19, the number of serial entrepreneurs who are closing their business is rapidly increasing. Learning from failure is a source of success, but business failure can result in psychological and economic losses and negative emotions of the serial entrepreneur. At this point, it is very important to find a way to recover the negative emotions caused by business failures of serial entrepreneurs. Recently, a strategic model has emerged to deal with the negative emotions of grief caused by business failures of serial entrepreneurs. This study identified the recovery factors from the grief of business failures of serial entrepreneurs and analyzed Shepherd's(2003) three areas: loss orientation, restoration orientation, and dual process. To this end, individual in-depth interviews were conducted with 12 small business serial entrepreneurs who challenged re-startup to identify the attributes of recovery factors that were not identified with quantitative data. As a result of the study, first, recovery factors were investigated in three areas: individual orientation, family orientation, and network orientation. It was found to help improve recovery in nine categories: self-esteem, persistence, personal competence, hobbies, self-confidence, family support, networks, religion, and social support. Second, recovery obstacle factors were investigated in three areas: psychological, economic, and environmental factors. Nine categories including family, health, social network, business partner, competitor, partner, fund, external environment, and government policy were found to persist negative emotions. Third, the emotional processing process for grief was investigated in three areas: loss orientation, restoration orientation, and dual process. Ten categories such as family, partner support, social member support, government support, hobbies, networks, change of business field, moving, third-party perspective, and meditation were confirmed to enhance rapid recovery in the emotional processing process for grief. The implications of this study are as follows. The process of recovering from the grief caused by business failures of serial entrepreneurs was attempted by a qualitative study. By extending the theory of Shepherd(2003), This study can be applied to help with recovery research. In addition, conceptual models and propositions for future empirical research were presented, which can be discussed in carious academic ways.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.10-19
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• 2022

In this study, historical and cultural landscapes were reviewed focusing on Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju, Gyeongsangnam-do, and the scenic value was examined through this. First, Mangjinsan Mountain was noted in history, as Ansan(案山, a mountain on the opposite side of a housing/grave site) in Jinju, where Bongsu(烽燧, the beacon fire station) is located. Information on Mangjinsan Mountain was gradually doubled due to its status, and the beacon fire station of Mangjinsan Mountain was in charge of defending the Jinju area. Mangjinsan Mountain was described as a symbolic landscape of Jinju. Regarding the etymology of Mangjinsan Mountain, Sung Yeo-Sin(成汝信) analyzed the geography of Jinju and suggested that it was a place name originating from the phoenix. However, looking at various records, it is confirmed that the name of Mangjinsan Mountain is maintained uniformly, but the inscription is not unified. Second, Mangjinsan Mountain became one of the major stage for the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and in 1597. It is confirmed to be a place which has joys and sorrows, for that it provided an opportunity to win the Siege of Jinju in 1592, but many casualties occurred in 1597. On the other hand, in the area of Mangjinsan Mountain Byeolseo(別墅), temples, and administrative facilities were located to establish cultural history of the time, and in the 19th century, Manggyeongdae Pavilion was built due to the scenic value of viewing Jinju Castle. These are examples of testimony how Mangjinsan Mountain has an important meaning in Jinju's history and culture. Third, in the late Joseon Dynasty, a poem reciting Mangjinsan Mountain appears, which shows that the Mountain has established itself as a scenic site in Jinju. The description of Mangjinsan Mountain is confirmed in the literature that lists the scenic sites of Jinju. On the other hand, writers who lived in Jinju paid attention to the beacon fire station, singing about the peaceful world without war and looking back the history. In the 19th century, Jeonbyeolyeon(a farewell party) was held, which seems to be the result of the beauty of viewing Jinju and overviewing the area. Through the facts, the symbolism and scenic value of Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju were confirmed.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
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• v.27 no.7
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• pp.987-994
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• 2021

The Yellow sea, as described in article 123 of UNCLOS, is semi-enclosed sea surrounded by the Republic of Korea, the People's Republic of China and North Korea. In addition, the Yellow Sea is one of the 66 large marine ecosystems as it contains large amounts of marine resources. According to article 194 of UNCLOS, states should be aware of rights and duties with respect to the protection and preservation of the marine environment to be engaged with countries directly as regional entity or indirectly. Therefore, the legal blank is urgent in terms of trans-boundary environmental pollutant issues. The UNDP has conducted a project called Yellow Sea Large Marine Ecosystem (YSLME) which has reached the 2^nd phase. The project has some notable achievements, namely performing joint activities on analysis of diagnostic trans-boundary issues in collaboration with China and South Korea, developing a strategic action plan based on TDA, and establishing regional strategic action plan. However, on the other hand, the project could not reflect the full participation of North Korea as a state party. As a result, the project has a limitation on effective implementation of RSAP. Therefore, this study focuses on the suggestion of a legally-binding trilateral treaty as a blue print for the next, 3^rd phase of the project. By analyzing the best practice of the Wadden Sea Trilateral Treaty case, the study verifies the validity of legislative measures on establishing and managing a legally-binding trilateral YSLME Commission. By suggesting a three phase treaty, incorporating a joint declaration by establishing the commission, the signing of the treaty, and formulating an umbrella convention and implementation arrangement, the study expects to guarantee the consistency and sustainability of the trilateral treaty regardless of political issues pertaining to North Korea.