• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.95-129
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• 2017

This study surveys and reviews political change, economic performance, and regional cooperation that were carried out in 2016 by Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN. This paper reports that what has followed the inauguration of new governments in Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Laos fails to live up to the expectation and optimism that arose in the aftermath of elections and party congresses that took place in the first half of the year. In other countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, where authoritarian regimes are faced with strong oppositions, the prospects for democratic change worsened to a substantial degree, as schisms and internal strives complicated the opposition camp as a result of instigation and intervention by the authoritarian leaders and their followers. In stable political systems, both democratic and authoritarian, no significant changes that may entail serious political implications were noticed. In 2016, the national economy of almost each and every country continued its slow but steady recovery that had started in 2014 and grew by 5% on the average. For 2017 onward, however, the earlier optimism that it would grow at least as fast dimmed down as uncertainty about the world economy looms larger due to the unexpected win by Donald Trump as U.S. president and the expected 'hard landing' of the Chinese economy around 2018. ASEAN declared the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) only one day before the New Year, but its track record looked already bad and unpromising by the end of 2016. ASEAN leaders were tied up by their domestic politics and affairs too tightly to take time off to work seriously to observe the schedule as laid out in the AEC Blueprint 2025. Korea's relationship with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN was "as good as it gets" in 2016 as ever but could become subject to tough review in the near future, if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is found out to have been implicated in the ongoing Choi Sun Sil scandal and if the opposition wins the next presidential election to be held by this year.

• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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• v.31 no.3 s.119
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• pp.165-172
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• 2007

Logistics needs in Asia are surprisingly increasing due to rapid growth of China in Northeast Asia We are endeavoring to make an economic block in opposition to NAFTA and EU by economic revival, political stability, and easing of exclusive parts between countries as increasing of traffic infra such as asian highway, transcontinental railway in the region of Northeast Asia and as considering diversification of transportation mode. Now, Busan is not a final terminal of this business, and it is not a concreted level in considering an undersea tunnel between Korea and Japan as effort to extend to Japan. Therefore, this study performed an effect analysis which be affected to Northeast Asia and Korea in future by analysis and comparison of a cost and time required of marine transportation and railway before and after construction through course analysis and summary of discussed content until now for undersea tunnel between Korea and Japan. This result expects as a accelerative play for study cf undersea tunnel between Korea and Japan in future. In this result, we estimate that it is an effective things in a cost and time required if undersea tunnel between Korea and Japan is constructed, and we simply searched for theirs effects in the aspects of Northeast Asia, national balanced development, regional economic in Busan, and marine logistics.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.8 no.10
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• pp.158-171
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• 2008

Measuring intellectual capital efficiency is one of the greatest challenges for all who are involved in knowledge-based economy, at macro as well as at micro level. The purpose of this study is to calculate and analyze the efficiency of national intellectual capital and value added intellectual coefficient for Korea, US, Japan, and China during the period 2000-2005. Major findings from the analysis can be summarized as follows. The US shows both the highest value creation efficiency of national intellectual capital, 1.480 and the highest value added intellectual coefficient, 6.585. It holds rank one according to GDP per capita, $41,541 in 2005. In Korea, the coefficient of national intellectual capital efficiency is 1.321 while that of value added intellectual capital is 4.733. However, the national intellectual capital efficiency of Japan, 1.271 is in opposition to the created high of vale added, 5.695. Finally, China shows that the coefficient of national intellectual capital efficiency is 1.438 while that of value added intellectual capital is 3.815.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.41
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• pp.232-267
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• 2008

This study is a comparative analysis of news frames between Chosunilbo and Hankyereh which have shown contrastive political attitude. The coverage of two political scandal, the Prime Minister Lee Haechan's golf happening and an Assemblyman of opposition party Choi Yeonhee's sexual harassment were analysed. The two political scandals were occurred one after the other and had some similarities. But two newspapers showed very contrastive frame on the two political scandals. On the Prime Minister Lee's scandal Chosunilbo showed politicizing frame, lobby golf frame, immorality frame, resignation frame. In contrast Hankyereh used depoliticization frame and human error frame. On the Assemblyman Choi's scandal Hankyereh showed politicizing frame, personal responsibility frame, immorality frame, resignation frame. But Chosunilbo used social responsibility frame and human error frame. In conclusion two newspapers showed very contrastive coverage according to the respective political attitude.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.59-63
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• 1972

These experiment were conducted to study the effects of various vitamins and amino acids upon the growth of Saccharomyces rouxii T9 and the results obtained were as follows. (1) As a growth factor, inositol, ribofavin, niacin and para amino benzoic acid were not required. (2) Though biotin, thiamin and Ca-pantothenate were adaptably required, vitamins required in absolute were not existed. (3) The growth rate of Saccharomyces rouxii T9 in the deficient group of biotin, thiamin, pyridoxine, riboflavin and Ca-pantothenate were more decreased on the media containing 26% of NaCl than containing none of NaCl in the earlystage of cultivation, while the growth rate showed the opposition tendency in the latter term of cultivation. (4) As an amino acid, methionine, tryptophan, serine, threonine, cystine, glycine, leucine and valine showed systematically the effects of addition in the compound media containing $(NH_4)_2SO_4$ as a nitrogen sources. (5) The growth rate of Saccharomyces rouxii T9 in the addition group of histidine, lycine, arginine, aspartic acid, proline and tyrosine were somewhat decreased on the media containing higher concentration of NaCl comparison with none NaCl media in the early stage of cultivation, showing the similar or increasing tendency in the latter term of cultivation.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.68
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• pp.130-165
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• 2014

By exploring the works of popular culture, our research aims to demonstrate that culture and politics revolve around each other. Culture and politics are not separate but are articulated into cultural politics; the process of articulation reveals various comparable areas, including contradictions and differences. Our research pays specific attention to Japanese modernity in the eight popular manga series by Naoki Urasawa. These works seemingly value peace and brotherhood, placing themselves in opposition to the logics of the conservative right wing. After engaging in a thorough reading and re-reading, however, we found three salient themes in the deep layers of the works: first, no-nationality a-nationality; second, the relationship between Japan and the West, and representation of Asia; and third, nostalgia for Japan of the past, and transnational desire. The manga series contain the ideas of leaving Asia and entering the West and overcoming modernity. Our research findings reveal that the works of popular culture, specifically those by Naoki Urasawa, subtly expose transnational desires of Japan in tandem with the tensions in international politics between Asia and Japan.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.51-73
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• 2013

This study is an attempt to find out the meaning of game to middle-aged women who enjoy internet web board game as part of the leisure. In order to discover the perceptions and emotions of middle-aged women regarding game, in-depth interviews with the five women of 48 to 63-year-old were conducted. The results are: First, the web board games to middle-aged women is an opposition of labor, but at the same time a part of day-long procedure of labor. Second, most middle-aged women are not in an autonomous environment where they can pursue active hobbies. Third, middle-aged women do not tolerate sacrificing money or housework on game because the web board games are regarded as a worthless activity. Finally, middle-aged women do not transform the existing social relationships into online relationships, nor form new social relationships through internet. Based on these results, we could draw a rough picture overviewing the gaming experience of middle-aged women, which has been more or less ignored in academic field. game experiences; middle-aged women; web board game; leisure/labor; game culture;

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.153-174
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• 2017

The cultural values of the traditional way and the current cultural values of young people are very different, and the rejection of cross-cultural contact is greatly reduced because Korean young people easily accommodate other cultures of the US, Europe or Asia. At present, the cultural values of the traditional way and the current cultural values of young people are very different, and the youthfulness of Korean young people easily accepts other cultures of the US, Europe or Asia, so the resistance to cross - cultural contact is greatly reduced. The purpose of this study is to find out how the younger Korean youths are forming the change of the foreign culture and how the negotiation will proceed according to the formation of these cultures. The results of the analysis show that Korean young people have collectivism cultural rights and that they are consistent with the previous research that there is tendency to avoid uncertainty. On the other hand, there is a tendency of opposition as a result of the empirical analysis that the Koreans have a strong orientation, a high power interval, and strong masculinity. Also, as a result of analyzing the changes in Korean culture that belongs to the high background culture, Korean young people tend to be centered in the past and decision makers tend to decide by the chief executive. On the other hand, Korean young people were denied all the verifiable cultural attributes that cultural properties and communication that maintain openness to share space exposures and office space are non - verbal, tacit communication and time observation are very long and uncertain.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.41
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• pp.327-356
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• 2014

The ultimate goal of the local government is the owner of the residents welfare of the community. Welfare of the residents will start from the protection of life and property of the inhabitants. Much of this protective activity is a function of the police. Therefore, to be a municipal & local police that is based on the autonomy of the local conceptual prerequisites for the welfare of the population. Municipal & local police activities are activities for the local community rooted in the community that the police and to rejoin the community, municipal & local police activities taking place in the center of the area to solve the problem, but to reduce the fear of crime and disorder, crime as an expression of the efforts of the local residence themselves to improve the overall quality of life of the community as a partner recognition local residents. Municipal & local police in this case be introduced across the board in the central and local governments is careful review of the various alternatives been prepared on analysis is crucial to reduce the trial and error by providing the best alternative. priority should be to figure out exactly what the reason to introduce a municipal police. in other words, the introduction of the municipal & local police in the central and local governments, state police and municipal & local police, the ruling party and the opposition, regional self-government initiative unseen conflict between organizations and local governments are not welcomed by local residence in local time truly 'safe' and will have to face that the 'improve quality of life'.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.329-361
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• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.