• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.75-92
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• 2002

The historical facts usually remain in the linguistic records. The name of a place has been considered most useful among the records. The name of a place contains lots of information which help us analyzing and explaining the historical problems. The main purpose of this thesis is to account for the relation between language and history based on the data of the name of a place with the property just mentioned above. Firstly I will estimate the territory of the former period of Paek-Che (18B.C.~475A.D.) on the basis of the distribution of the old name of a place and show that the presumed shape of the territory could prove the fact that the unification of Shilla is 'the unification of two nations' but not 'the unification of three nations' Secondly the distribution of the old name of a place can bring light on the interrelation between Paek-Che language and Kara language and help us understand the relation of neighboring countries between two nations. Thirdly we can discuss the relation between the language of the former period of Paek-Che and of the old period of Japan: that is, how the language of Paek-Che came in the Japanese language. Also, the history of cultural domination between Paek-Che and Japan could be clarified if we can prove the linguistic similarity of two nations either to be genealogical relation or to be borrowing one.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.6
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• pp.884-898
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• 2012

Place names represent a lot of information about the region and the life of the local residents. In particular, old geographical names have more spatial informations than recent place names. This paper tried to analyze the distribution and characteristic of 'Dumo' which is one of the ancient place names and was studied by Nam youngwoo in 1996 for the first time. After considering the etymology and phonological structure of 'Dumo', the name 'Dumo' included the geographic conditions related to a mountain and river in itself. The total number of place names in the line of 'Dumo' which were collected by the author were 417 and they were distributed evenly on the Korean Peninsula. 85% of them were used for the human place names and 73% of the human place names were served as settlement names standing for a village or an administrative district. Thus the author analyzed the location and diffusion of 220 of settlement names in depth. As a result, villages named in the line of 'Dumo' preferred southern or eastern exposure and located in front of a mountain and around a river. After a village name 'Dumo' was set up, it produces other similar names in the line of 'Dumo' near the village so most place names of 'Dumo' were found with several names of 'Dumo' not alone.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.479-490
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• 1997

This study attempted to grasp the etimological meaning of the ancient place name Dumo, and to identify when the ancient place names in Dumo system started to be used by Korean people. The results of analysis of generic toponym and specific toponym of the ancient place names in Dumo system are as follow: Firstly, Chumong, the name of the founder of the Koguryo Dynasty, and his two sons Biryu,the founder of the kingdom Biryu-Paekche, and Oncho, the founder of the kingdom Paekche, are presumed to originate from place name, not from person's name. Particularly, the name of Chumong is considered to be a person's name which comes from Dumo system. Oncho, who claimed to be a son of Chumong, a person of north-Puyo, transterred the capital of his kingdom to the present site of Dumo in Chunggung-dong, Hanam city in present, which is thought to be an early capital of Paekche or a part of it. Secondly, the word of Dumo means a warm space which is surrounded by mountains, protected from wind, endowed with river which provided with water. This kind of spatial cognition gradually evolved as the prototypical locational artifice which was diffused to Manchuria and Japan, and is believed to be introduced to the Korean Peninsula.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.127-142
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• 2016

This paper analyzes on the physical place name of Mt. Seoraksan in Joseon period from the historical geographical perspective. The analysis materials are Jirijis, old maps and travel records of Joseon period. The results are as follows. The space range of Mt. Seoraksan in Joseon period and today was different. Mt. Seoraksan in Joseon period was around Daecheongbong Peak nowadays, Ulsanbawi Rock was Mt. Cheonhusan, and north mountain range of Hangyeryeong Pass called Mt. Hangyesan. Region of Mt. Seoraksan and Mt. Hangyesan were devided in Joseon Period. Mt. Seoraksan name was representative in late Joseon period including Mt. Hangyesan and Mt. Cheonhusan. Mountain names were the most in the physical place name. The old name of Hangyeryeong Pass was Osaek Pass in maps of Joseon Period. The popular travel course of Mt. Seoraksan in Joseon period was Baekdamsa Temple-Oseam Temple-Sinheungsa Temple.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2014

As part of reconsideration on naming of the scenic site No.1 "Myeongju Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang," this study attempts to identify whether there is any mistake with reference to place naming of Korea's No.1 scenic site and if so, to correct the problem by examining the origin of the name and its transition progress through analysis and interpretation of old maps, ancient documents such as traditional geographic books, Yusangi(遊山記) and Letters Carved on the Rocks. The findings of this study are as follows: In traditional geographic books, a term of 'Mt. Cheonghak(靑鶴山)' was first found from "SinjungDonggookyeojisungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)" and after a place name, 'Sogumgang(小金剛)' first appeared in "Yeojidoseo(輿地圖書)" in the middle of the 17th century, it was reproduced in "Jungsuimyeongji(增修臨瀛誌)", which was published in the early 20th century. However, as a result of analyzing old maps, the place name, Sogumgang cannot be found in any local or national map except place names such as Cheonghak-dong, Mt. Cheonghak and Temple Cheonghak. Even though 'Biseonam,' 'Cheonyudong,' 'Gyeongdam' and 'Mt. Cheonghak' appear in Yulgok's "Yucheonghaksangi(遊靑鶴山記)", any part in which 'Sogumgang' was referred is not found. Later, Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang seemed to had been called 'Mt. Cheonghak' or 'Cheonghak-dong(靑鶴洞)' for more than three centuries as seen in Lee Sun-il's "Godamilgo(孤潭逸稿)", Heo Geun's farewell records, Heo Mok's "Cheonghak-dong Guryongyeongi(靑鶴洞九龍淵記)", Yoon Sun-geo(尹宣擧)'s "Padongilgi(巴東日記)" and Lee Won-jo's letters and a poem composed by Gang Jae-hang in the middle of the 18th century is the only record in which the place name, 'Sogumgang' is shown. Meanwhile, 'Sogumgang' carved on Inung Rock(二能巖) in front of Temple Gumgang is presumed to be carved by Inunggyeoone(二能契員) in the 1870s or in 1930s, considering the size of each character, calligraphy, overall layout, wear extent and records in Jiriji. Therefore, no evidence can be found to say that each character of 'Sogumgang' was written by Yulgok because 'Sogumgang' has strong evidences of the origin of its place name. To sum up the findings stated above, since Yulgok's "Yucheonghaksangi", this place seems to have been referred as 'Mt. Cheonghak Cheonghak-dong' and as it is confirmed that the place name, 'Sogumgang' first appeared in "Ohyeongosijo(五言古時調)" of "Ibjaeseonsangyugo(立齋先生遺稿)" and "Yeojidoseo" in the middle of the 18th century, it can be inferred that the place name, Sogumgang had been partly mingled as an another name of Mt. Cheonghak. Therefore, even though it is difficult to say the existing place name has a significant problem, it is thought that it will be better to name 'Mt. Cheonghak Cheonghak-dong' rather than 'Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang' in order to stress on this place's traditional identity as a scenic site related to Yulgok. In addition, as confirmed in this study process, it is said that each character of place names, 'Mt. Cheonghak' and 'Gyeongdam(鏡潭)' and name 'Yoon Sun-geo' carved in Rock Sikdang stated in Yoon Sun-geo's "Padongilgi" in 1964 is a pledge showing the influence of "Yucheonghaksangi" as an ancient travel literature as well as a mark of the Giho school scholars' respect and spirit to honor Yulgok.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.511-538
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• 2004

The aim of this paper is to investigate the characteristics of place-names in old map of Andong-Bu mapped in Chosun Dynasty. A place-name is a linguistic expression whose function is to identify a topographic feature. The place-names in old map of Andong-Bu normally involve physical, administrative, military, economic, transport, and cultural features. The cultural place-names are more meaningful in Andong-Bu which was a center of confucianism in Chosun Dynasty. The generic place-names, including cultural place-names such as school, pavilion, temple, etc., served as indicators to identify regional characteristics of Andong in the past and present. A study on the place-names, using old maps, is regarded as advisable attempt in regional approach in geography.

• The Korea Journal of Herbology
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.59-71
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• 2012

Objective : This study was conducted to investigate into the etymology of 218 species names for 128 woody herbal medicines in Korea. Methods : The examined herbalogical books and research paper which published at home and abroad. Results ; This study was conducted to investigate into the etymology of 218 species names for 128 woody herbal medicines in Korea. The origins of species names for woody herbal medicines in Korea were in order of the local place name by thirty seven(16.97%), the dialects and old name by twenty two(10.09%), the morphological characters of leaves by twenty(9.17%), the plant's constituents and uses by fifty(6.88%), the person's name by fifty(6.88%), the other's generic names and species names by thirteen(5.96%), the morphological characters of flowers by twelve(5.50%), the morphological characters of stems by twelve(5.50%), the words meaning a number by twelve(5.50%), the relative characteristic by comparing with the same genus by twelve(5.50%), and so on. Conclusion : According to the investigation which origin of species names of woody herbal medicines from herbalogy textbook, the number of species names of herbal medicine originated from the local place names by 37(16.97%) was the most of all.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.16-35
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• 2009

This paper is to compare the contexts and old place names in old county maps of Goryeong-hyeon(高靈縣) according to the four types of maps. 23 maps covering Goryeong-hyeon were collected from the old county-map atlas(郡縣地圖帖) and Eupji(邑誌). The first type(named 'picture county map') included 8 county-maps in which information of military, and administrative contents are mainly mapped. The second type(named '1-ri grid system map') included 4 county maps in which information about beacon routes and road systems were regarded as very important. The third type(named '20-ri grid-system map(方眼地圖)' included 4 county-maps which were drawn as same scale with 20-ri(里) grids. The fourth type(named 'local county-map(地方郡縣地圖)' included 5 county maps which were drawn by local mappers. Types of toponyms which were included in maps are different by the propose of map-drawing. In the picture county maps, place names from military, and administrative contents are written. In the 1-ri grid system county maps, place names especially from military and transportation are fluent. In the 20-ri grid system county maps, generic name from natural environment, such as mountains are very fluent. In the local county maps, city-walls and castles are drawn exaggeratively and detailed generic name from warehouses and villages are written in those maps. This study shows that Daedongyeo-jido was drawn on the basis of 20-ri grid system county maps with the supplementation of geographical information.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.91-106
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• 2018

During the Old Uighur period, many works were translated into Old Uighur under the influence of Buddhism. Among these works, literary works such as $Da{\acute{s}}akarmapath{\bar{a}}vad{\bar{a}}nam{\bar{a}}l{\bar{a}}$ hold an important place. These works were usually translated from Pali to Sanskrit, from Sanskrit to Sogdian, Tocharian and Chinese, and to Old Uighur from these languages. These works which were added to the Old Uighur repertoire by translation indicate that different peoples along the ancient Silk Road had deep linguistic interactions with one another. Aside from these works, other narratives that we have been so far unable to determine whether they were translations, adaptations or original works have also been discovered. The Tale of King Chashtana, which was found in the work titled $Da{\acute{s}}akarmapath{\bar{a}}vad{\bar{a}}nam{\bar{a}}l{\bar{a}}$, is one of the tales we have been unable to classify as a translation or an original work. This tale has never been discovered with this title or this content in the languages of any of the peoples that were exposed to Buddhism along the Silk Road. On the other hand, the person whom the protagonist of this tale was named after has a very important place in the history of India, one of the countries that the Silk Road goes through. Saka Mahakshatrapa Chashtana (or Cashtana), a contemporary of Nahapana, declared himself king in Gujarat. A short time later, Chashtana, having invaded Ujjain and Maharashtra, established a powerful Saka kingdom in the west of India. His descendants reigned in the region for a long time. Another important fact about Chashtana is that coinage minted in his name was used all along the Silk Road. Chashtana, who became a significant historical figure in north western India, inspired the name of the protagonist of a tale in Old Uighur. That it is probable that the tale of King Chashtana is an original Old Uighur tale and not found in any other languages of the Silk Road brings some questions to mind: Who is Chashtana, the hero of the story? Is he related to the Saka king Chashtana in any way? What sort of influence did Chashtana have on the Silk Road and its languages? If this tale which we have never encountered in any other language of the Silk Road is indeed an original tale, why did the Old Uighurs use the name of an important Saka ruler? Is Saka-Uighur contact in question, given tales of this kind? What can we say about the historical and cultural geography of the Silk Road, given the fact that coinage was minted in his name and used along the Silk Road? In this study, I will attempt to answer these questions and share the information we have gleaned about Chashtana the hero of the tale and the Saka king Chashtana. One of the main aim of this study is to reveal the relationship between the narrative hero Chashtana and the Saka king Chashtana according to this information. Another aim of this study is to understand the history of the Saka, the Uighur and the Silk Road and to reveal the relationship between these three important subjects of history. The importance of the Silk Road will be emphasized again with the understanding of these relations. In this way, new information about Chashtana, who is an important name in the history of the India and the Silk Road, will be put forward. The history of the Sakas will be viewed from a different perspective through the Old Uighur Buddhist story.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.44 no.6
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• pp.779-796
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• 2009

Pimat-gil is a bystreet over 600-years old of Jong-no in Seoul that originated in the early Joseon Dynasty. This Study defines Pimat-gol (a street village) that has developed centering around Pimat-gil (alley) as a typical backlane of modern city, traces the origin and landscapes of Pimat-gol through the historical geographies of this place, and tries to name and interpret the placeness of Pimat-gol from the angles of social and cultural geography, particularly on the basis of the concept 'place memory'. As a result, the author extracts the placeness of Pimat-gol in terms of juxtaposition of three-fold layers, ie., 'space of subaltern vs. space of escape', 'space of oblivion vs. space of recollecttion and generation', and 'space of fossil vs. space of living'. In addition, the author examines the place memories which have been sedimented in this place and the contest of the place-memories by investigating these three-fold layers, and makes a proposal which would constructs another spatiality of modern city on the basis of this case.